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E. do REGO

IL EXISTE MILLE MANIERES DE MENTIR, MAIS UNE SEULE DE DIRE LA VERITE.

Le Mensonge peut courir un an, la vérité le rattrape en un jour, dit le sage Haoussa .

Tant que les lions n’auront pas leurs propres historiens, les histoires de chasse continueront de glorifier le chasseur.










Friday, October 31, 2008

Part 1: Inspiration for the young :Students in the Bronx see role model in Obama









http://my.barackobama.com/page/dashboard/public/gGWdjc

Part 2: Hope and concern :Single mom in Nashville has mixed feelings









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Part 3: Elder in awe:Seattle professor marvels at the distance traveled





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ET SI C'ETAIT BARACK OBAMA LE PLUS DOUE ????


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Et si Barack Obama était l'un des hommes politiques les plus intelligents depuis l’histoire des Etats-Unis ? Les Américains, y compris du côté de chez John Mc Cain, se posent la question. Rien ne pouvait laisser penser qu'un NON BLANC, en l'occurence un Afro-Américain, dans un monde judéo-chrétien qui pratique l'ethnocentrisme, survole avec une telle facilité déconcertante les élections américaines, faisant respectivement passer Hillary Clinton et John Mc Cain pour des écoliers.
Barack Obama, on peut déjà le dire, à révolutionné la manière de faire de la politique aux Etats-Unis, donc dans le monde entier, en passionnant le monde entier à une échéance pourtant américaine, en montant une très performante machine politique; laquelle a un réalisé des mobilisations populaires inimaginables. Et mieux encore, il a réussi à lever des fonds populaires, préférant le financement du peuple à la manne étatique.Cette formidable inspiration paye puisque, au grand dam de ses adversaires, le sénateur démocrate dépense l'argent de ses supporters dans une ultime estocade qui a définitivement ringardisé John Mc Cain et ses supporters HAINEUX.
Et signe que la dernière AUDACE démocrate, une Pub de 30 minutes, bien ficellée, très touchante, parfaitement synthétique et plein d'espoir, tout le contraire des CRIS DE HAINE que l'on entend lors des meetings du ticket Mc Cain-Palin, a touché les américains, il y en a même qui vont voter OBAMA dans des bourgs ultra-conservateurs, comme en témoigne cette photo,ci-dessus, prise dans l'Indiana.Une sacrée surprise que commente d'ailleurs Richard Hetu:" Je n’en reviens toujours pas que Barack Obama ait des chances de l’emporter dans l’Indiana. Cette photo, qui a été prise dans cet État conservateur du Midwest, explique peut-être son étonnant succès. Le drapeau des États confédérés pendant la guerre de Sécession, que l’on voit sous le Stars and Stripes, est aujourd’hui l’emblème des rednecks aux États-Unis. Des rednecks pour Obama? Pourquoi pas…"
C'est dire si les Etats-Unis ont de la chance de pouvoir tourner la page du cauchemar BUSH, et de redevenir la pays qui faisait rêver le monde.Barack Obama est tout prêt du rêve du Pasteur Martin Luther King, c'est tout simplement extraordinaire.
A 4 jours du scrutin définitif, il est crédité de 50% d'intentions de vote contre 43% pour McCain, soit le même score que dans l'enquête de jeudi. La marge d'erreur est de 2,9 points. Et plus encore, le sénateur de l'Illinois maintient son avantage auprès de plusieurs groupes électoraux décisifs. Il mène de 15 points chez les indépendants, de 9 chez les femmes, de 5 chez les hommes et de 9 chez les catholiques.Il a en outre l'avantage dans toutes les classes d'âge et catégories de revenus, à l'exception des électeurs gagnant plus de 100.000 dollars par an."Il n'y a pas de différence fondamentale dans l'étude d'aujourd'hui. Obama tient bon et McCain n'enregistre aucune avancée", a constaté le sondeur John Zogby. IN OBAMA WE TRUST !




http://my.barackobama.com/page/dashboard/public/gGWdjc

Remarks of Senator Barack Obama (Chester, PA)


Chester, PA | October 28, 2008

One week.
After decades of broken politics in Washington, eight years of failed policies from George Bush, and twenty-one months of a campaign that has taken us from the rocky coast of Maine to the sunshine of California, we are one week away from change in America.
In one week, you can turn the page on policies that have put the greed and irresponsibility of Wall Street before the hard work and sacrifice of folks on Main Street.
In one week, you can choose policies that invest in our middle-class, create new jobs, and grow this economy from the bottom-up so that everyone has a chance to succeed; from the CEO to the secretary and the janitor; from the factory owner to the men and women who work on its floor.
In one week, you can put an end to the politics that would divide a nation just to win an election; that tries to pit region against region, city against town, Republican against Democrat; that asks us to fear at a time when we need hope.
In one week, at this defining moment in history, you can give this country the change we need.
We began this journey in the depths of winter nearly two years ago, on the steps of the Old State Capitol in Springfield, Illinois. Back then, we didn't have much money or many endorsements. We weren't given much of a chance by the polls or the pundits, and we knew how steep our climb would be.
But I also knew this. I knew that the size of our challenges had outgrown the smallness of our politics. I believed that Democrats and Republicans and Americans of every political stripe were hungry for new ideas, new leadership, and a new kind of politics - one that favors common sense over ideology; one that focuses on those values and ideals we hold in common as Americans.
Most of all, I believed in your ability to make change happen. I knew that the American people were a decent, generous people who are willing to work hard and sacrifice for future generations. And I was convinced that when we come together, our voices are more powerful than the most entrenched lobbyists, or the most vicious political attacks, or the full force of a status quo in Washington that wants to keep things just the way they are.
Twenty-one months later, my faith in the American people has been vindicated. That's how we've come so far and so close - because of you. That's how we'll change this country - with your help. And that's why we can't afford to slow down, sit back, or let up for one day, one minute, or one second in this last week. Not now. Not when so much is at stake.
We are in the middle of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. 760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year. Businesses and families can't get credit. Home values are falling. Pensions are disappearing. Wages are lower than they've been in a decade, at a time when the cost of health care and college have never been higher. It's getting harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your gas tank, or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month.
And yet, just yesterday, we learned that despite this crisis, Wall Street bank executives are set to walk away with billions more in bonuses at the end of this year. Well, they might call that a bonus on Wall Street, but here in Pennsylvania, we call it an outrage - and they shouldn't be allowed to get away with it.
We can't afford four more years of the tired, old theory that says we should give more to billionaires and big corporations and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. That's the failed theory that got us into this mess. It hasn't worked, and it's time for change. That's why I'm running for President of the United States.
Now, in the closing days of this campaign, my opponent is trying to distance himself from the President he has faithfully supported 90% of the time. He's supported four of the five Bush budgets that have taken us from the surpluses of the Clinton years to the largest deficits in history. John McCain has ridden shotgun as George Bush has driven our economy toward a cliff, and now he wants to take the wheel and step on the gas.
And when it comes to the issue of taxes, saying that John McCain is running for a third Bush term isn't being fair to George W. Bush. He's proposing $300 billion in new tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans and big corporations. That's something not even George Bush proposed. Not even George Bush proposed another $700,000 tax cut to the average Fortune 500 CEO. Not even George Bush proposed a plan that would leave out 100 million middle class families. That's not change.
Change is a middle class tax cut for 95% of workers and their families. Change is eliminating income taxes for seniors making under $50,000 and giving homeowners and working parents more of a break. Change is eliminating capital gains taxes for the small businesses that are the engine of job-creation in this country.
That's what I want to do. That's what change is.
The fact is, there's only one candidate with a plan that could eventually raise taxes on millions of middle class families, and it isn't me. It's my opponent, who'd make you pay taxes on your health care benefits for the first time ever.
Now, it's true that I want to roll back the Bush tax cuts on the wealthiest Americans and go back to the rate they paid under Bill Clinton. But make no mistake: If you make less than a quarter of a million dollars a year - which includes 98% of small business owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your income taxes, not your capital gains taxes - nothing. Because the last thing we should do in this economy is raise taxes on the middle-class.
In the end, the choice in this election isn't between tax cuts and no tax cuts. It's about whether you believe we should only reward wealth, or whether we should also reward the work and workers who create it. It's about whether you believe in an America where opportunity and success is open to anyone who's willing to work for it. And that's the America we will build together when I'm President of the United States.
We've tried it John McCain's way. We've tried it George Bush's way. Deep down, Senator McCain knows that, which is why his campaign said that "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." That's why he's spending these last weeks calling me every name in the book. Because that's how you play the game in Washington. If you can't beat your opponent's ideas, you distort those ideas and maybe make some up. If you don't have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run away from. You make a big election about small things.
Pennsylvania, we are here to say "Not this time. Not this year. Not when so much is at stake." Senator McCain might be worried about losing an election, but I'm worried about Americans who are losing their homes, and their jobs, and their life savings. I can take one more week of John McCain's attacks, but this country can't take four more years of the same old politics and the same failed policies. It's time for something new.
The question in this election is not "Are you better off than you were four years ago?" We know the answer to that. The real question is, "Will this country be better off four years from now?"
I know these are difficult times for America. But I also know that we have faced difficult times before. The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about rising to the moment when the moment was hard. It's about seeing the highest mountaintop from the deepest of valleys. It's about rejecting fear and division for unity of purpose. That's how we've overcome war and depression. That's how we've won great struggles for civil rights and women's rights and worker's rights. And that's how we'll emerge from this crisis stronger and more prosperous than we were before - as one nation; as one people.
Remember, we still have the most talented, most productive workers of any country on Earth. We're still home to innovation and technology, colleges and universities that are the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in history have come from our small businesses and our research facilities. So there's no reason we can't make this century another American century. We just need a new direction. We need a new politics.
Now, I don't believe that government can or should try to solve all our problems. I know you don't either. But I do believe that government should do that which we cannot do for ourselves - protect us from harm and provide a decent education for our children; invest in new roads and new science and technology. It should reward drive and innovation and growth in the free market, but it should also make sure businesses live up to their responsibility to create American jobs, and look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road. It should ensure a shot at success not only for those with money and power and influence, but for every single American who's willing to work. That's how we create not just more millionaires, but more middle-class families. That's how we make sure businesses have customers that can afford their products and services. That's how we've always grown the American economy - from the bottom-up. John McCain calls this socialism. I call it opportunity, and there is nothing more American than that.
Understand, if we want get through this crisis, we need to get beyond the old ideological debates and divides between left and right. We don't need bigger government or smaller government. We need a better government - a more competent government - a government that upholds the values we hold in common as Americans.
We don't have to choose between allowing our financial system to collapse and spending billions of taxpayer dollars to bail out Wall Street banks. As President, I will ensure that the financial rescue plan helps stop foreclosures and protects your money instead of enriching CEOs. And I will put in place the common-sense regulations I've been calling for throughout this campaign so that Wall Street can never cause a crisis like this again. That's the change we need.
When it comes to jobs, the choice in this election is not between putting up a wall around America or allowing every job to disappear overseas. The truth is, we won't be able to bring back every job that we've lost, but that doesn't mean we should follow John McCain's plan to keep giving tax breaks to corporations that send American jobs overseas. I will end those breaks as President, and I will give American businesses a $3,000 tax credit for every job they create right here in the United States of America. We'll create two million new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling roads, and bridges, and schools, and by laying broadband lines to reach every corner of the country. And I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable sources of energy to create five million new energy jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building solar panels and wind turbines and a new electricity grid; jobs building the fuel-efficient cars of tomorrow, not in Japan or South Korea but here in the United States of America; jobs that will help us eliminate the oil we import from the Middle East in ten years and help save the planet in the bargain. That's how America can lead again.
When it comes to health care, we don't have to choose between a government-run health care system and the unaffordable one we have now. If you already have health insurance, the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have health insurance, you'll be able to get the same kind of health insurance that Members of Congress get for themselves. We'll invest in preventative care and new technology to finally lower the cost of health care for families, businesses, and the entire economy. And as someone who watched his own mother spend the final months of her life arguing with insurance companies because they claimed her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment, I will stop insurance companies from discriminating against those who are sick and need care most.
When it comes to giving every child a world-class education so they can compete in this global economy for the jobs of the 21st century, the choice is not between more money and more reform - because our schools need both. As President, I will invest in early childhood education, recruit an army of new teachers, pay them more, and give them more support. But I will also demand higher standards and more accountability from our teachers and our schools. And I will make a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
I won't stand here and pretend that any of this will be easy - especially now. The cost of this economic crisis, and the cost of the war in Iraq, means that Washington will have to tighten its belt and put off spending on things we can afford to do without. On this, there is no other choice. As President, I will go through the federal budget, line-by-line, ending programs that we don't need and making the ones we do need work better and cost less.
But as I've said from the day we began this journey all those months ago, the change we need isn't just about new programs and policies. It's about a new politics - a politics that calls on our better angels instead of encouraging our worst instincts; one that reminds us of the obligations we have to ourselves and one another.
Part of the reason this economic crisis occurred is because we have been living through an era of profound irresponsibility. On Wall Street, easy money and an ethic of "what's good for me is good enough" blinded greedy executives to the danger in the decisions they were making. On Main Street, lenders tricked people into buying homes they couldn't afford. Some folks knew they couldn't afford those houses and bought them anyway. In Washington, politicians spent money they didn't have and allowed lobbyists to set the agenda. They scored political points instead of solving our problems, and even after the greatest attack on American soil since Pearl Harbor, all we were asked to do by our President was to go out and shop.
That is why what we have lost in these last eight years cannot be measured by lost wages or bigger trade deficits alone. What has also been lost is the idea that in this American story, each of us has a role to play. Each of us has a responsibility to work hard and look after ourselves and our families, and each of us has a responsibility to our fellow citizens. That's what's been lost these last eight years - our sense of common purpose; of higher purpose. And that's what we need to restore right now.
Yes, government must lead the way on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and our businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair. But all of us must do our part as parents to turn off the television and read to our children and take responsibility for providing the love and guidance they need. Yes, we can argue and debate our positions passionately, but at this defining moment, all of us must summon the strength and grace to bridge our differences and unite in common effort - black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American; Democrat and Republican, young and old, rich and poor, gay and straight, disabled or not.
In this election, we cannot afford the same political games and tactics that are being used to pit us against one another and make us afraid of one another. The stakes are too high to divide us by class and region and background; by who we are or what we believe.
Because despite what our opponents may claim, there are no real or fake parts of this country. There is no city or town that is more pro-America than anywhere else - we are one nation, all of us proud, all of us patriots. There are patriots who supported this war in Iraq and patriots who opposed it; patriots who believe in Democratic policies and those who believe in Republican policies. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the United States of America.
It won't be easy, Pennsylvania. It won't be quick. But you and I know that it is time to come together and change this country. Some of you may be cynical and fed up with politics. A lot of you may be disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what has been asked of Americans throughout our history.
I ask you to believe - not just in my ability to bring about change, but in yours.
I know this change is possible. Because I have seen it over the last twenty-one months. Because in this campaign, I have had the privilege to witness what is best in America.
I've seen it in lines of voters that stretched around schools and churches; in the young people who cast their ballot for the first time, and those not so young folks who got involved again after a very long time. I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut back their hours than see their friends lose their jobs; in the neighbors who take a stranger in when the floodwaters rise; in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb. I've seen it in the faces of the men and women I've met at countless rallies and town halls across the country, men and women who speak of their struggles but also of their hopes and dreams.
I still remember the email that a woman named Robyn sent me after I met her in Ft. Lauderdale. Sometime after our event, her son nearly went into cardiac arrest, and was diagnosed with a heart condition that could only be treated with a procedure that cost tens of thousands of dollars. Her insurance company refused to pay, and their family just didn't have that kind of money.
In her email, Robyn wrote, "I ask only this of you - on the days where you feel so tired you can't think of uttering another word to the people, think of us. When those who oppose you have you down, reach deep and fight back harder."
Pennsylvania, that's what hope is - that thing inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that something better is waiting around the bend; that insists there are better days ahead. If we're willing to work for it. If we're willing to shed our fears and our doubts. If we're willing to reach deep down inside ourselves when we're tired and come back fighting harder.
Hope! That's what kept some of our parents and grandparents going when times were tough. What led them to say, "Maybe I can't go to college, but if I save a little bit each week my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but if I work really hard my child can open one of her own." It's what led immigrants from distant lands to come to these shores against great odds and carve a new life for their families in America; what led those who couldn't vote to march and organize and stand for freedom; that led them to cry out, "It may look dark tonight, but if I hold on to hope, tomorrow will be brighter."
That's what this election is about. That is the choice we face right now.
Don't believe for a second this election is over. Don't think for a minute that power concedes. We have to work like our future depends on it in this last week, because it does.
In one week, we can choose an economy that rewards work and creates new jobs and fuels prosperity from the bottom-up.
In one week, we can choose to invest in health care for our families, and education for our kids, and renewable energy for our future.
In one week, we can choose hope over fear, unity over division, the promise of change over the power of the status quo.
In one week, we can come together as one nation, and one people, and once more choose our better history.
That's what's at stake. That's what we're fighting for. And if in this last week, you will knock on some doors for me, and make some calls for me, and talk to your neighbors, and convince your friends; if you will stand with me, and fight with me, and give me your vote, then I promise you this - we will not just win Pennsylvania, we will not just win this election, but together, we will change this country and we will change the world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.


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Why McCain Will Lose :Blame the party, not the campaign


By James Carville

Published: October 30 2008 19:30 | Last updated: October 30 2008 19:30

Ingram Pinn illustration

The most predictable and fascinating ritual of American electoral politics has begun. And, no, I am not talking about early voting or pundit predictions. It is not last-minute robo-calls or get-out-the-vote operations either.

I am talking about finger-pointing. Yes, the blame game. In case you have not noticed, it is in full tilt.

You may think the blame game is played in smoky back rooms and dark alleys. Be under no illusions. The blame game is not merely a sideshow of the drama of the world’s most influential democracy, which elects the world’s most influential leader. In the coming weeks, watching the Republican party implode will be the main event.

The opening salvo was fired in the op-ed pages of the US newspaper of record, The New York Times. On October 13, William Kristol drew his guns in what he believed to be the start of the Republican civil war by beginning his weekly column: “It’s time for John McCain to fire his campaign.” He continued: “Its combination of strategic incoherence and operational incompetence has become toxic.”

Such an esteemed conservative intellectual would, of course, place blame on the “McCain campaign”. What a convenient target. This is the same Mr Kristol who advised the party in two of its greatest disasters – the Iraq war and the selection of Governor Sarah Palin as the Republican vice-presidential nominee. His idea is to point the finger at political professionals.

My colleague, Paul Begala, and I counselled Republicans on October 20 that the blame game could not begin soon enough and could not leave out any faction of the fractured Republican infrastructure. With so much blame to go around, I am sure everyone will get their own shots in but the people who work on the fringes of our democracy should not bear the brunt of an entire American political party going awry.

Allow me to rise in defence of my fellow political operatives.

The truth is that there was little Mr McCain, or his campaign, could do with a party falling apart at the seams. When Mr McCain announced his second run for the presidency on April 25 2007 in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, the Republican brand was already tarnished, perhaps beyond repair. At that time, a poll for Democracy Corps, a non-profit polling organisation I co-founded, found that his party was viewed more negatively than positively by far, with 47 per cent of likely voters giving it poor marks and just 34 per cent viewing it positively. At that point 66 per cent of likely voters thought the country was on the wrong track. Of course, it only got worse as the campaign and George W. Bush’s horrendous presidency trudged on. Our latest poll finds that 79 per cent say the country is headed in the wrong direction.

Remember, it was not Mr McCain’s campaign that started the idiotic Iraq war or masterminded the poorly thought out strategies there and on the economic front at home.

It was not his campaign staffers that reignited ridiculously divisive and unnecessary culture wars in 2004 just to win an election, in the process alienating a generation of young Americans.

It was not a campaign staffer that simply flew over a major American city as it was being inundated with water after the failure of federal levees created one of the worst disasters in our nation’s history.

It was not a McCain staffer who made the brilliant choice to appoint Alberto “Fredo” Gonzales as attorney-general, a man who will surely go down as one of the most buffoonish and incompetent individuals to serve in the US government.

It was not just a few McCain staffers who sold their soul and their political party to corporate America and Wall Street while the national debt soared.

It was not McCain campaign staffers who sat idly by as America plunged into its greatest crisis since the Great Depression. (Although one might pause here to note that Mr McCain and his economic advisers played an active role in creating the crisis over the past few decades.)

Blame the idiotic neocons, absurd culture warriors or the talk-radio crowd. Certainly do not forget the silly free-marketers who are now lining up before congressional committees to apologise to the nation for failed economic policy. Believe me, they all deserve every bit of of the blame.

But it was the pillars and icons of the party who did this: from Karl Rove, its self-proclaimed resident genius, to Dick Cheney, an overreaching vice-president, to Mr Bush. Of course, lest any of this read as an absolution of Mr McCain, the senator from Arizona was in lock-step with his colleagues on most or all of their failed policies.

Ultimately, the truth is that Mr McCain’s campaign was dealt an awful hand, albeit one he had a role in creating. You can second guess how they played it (and you should) but campaigns take chances (like they did in doubling-down on Ms Palin) when they are behind. So with only a few days to go before the party is handed its second mammoth loss in as many cycles, following the 2006 mid-term elections, my counsel to Republican friends would be to keep pointing fingers but lay off the political professionals as much as possible. They were not the ones responsible for the disastrous Bush-Cheney-Rove policies that Americans so desperately want to reverse.

The writer is an international political consultant, founder of Democracy Corps, and a CNN political contributor. He was chief strategist for Bill Clinton’s 1992 campaign






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'The Economist' endorses Obama for president


The presidential election

It's time
Oct 30th 2008
From The Economist print edition

America should take a chance and make Barack Obama the next leader of the free world
AP

IT IS impossible to forecast how important any presidency will be. Back in 2000 America stood tall as the undisputed superpower, at peace with a generally admiring world. The main argument was over what to do with the federal government’s huge budget surplus. Nobody foresaw the seismic events of the next eight years. When Americans go to the polls next week the mood will be very different. The United States is unhappy, divided and foundering both at home and abroad. Its self-belief and values are under attack.

For all the shortcomings of the campaign, both John McCain and Barack Obama offer hope of national redemption. Now America has to choose between them. The Economist does not have a vote, but if it did, it would cast it for Mr Obama. We do so wholeheartedly: the Democratic candidate has clearly shown that he offers the better chance of restoring America’s self-confidence. But we acknowledge it is a gamble. Given Mr Obama’s inexperience, the lack of clarity about some of his beliefs and the prospect of a stridently Democratic Congress, voting for him is a risk. Yet it is one America should take, given the steep road ahead.


The immediate focus, which has dominated the campaign, looks daunting enough: repairing America’s economy and its international reputation. The financial crisis is far from finished. The United States is at the start of a painful recession. Some form of further fiscal stimulus is needed, though estimates of the budget deficit next year already spiral above $1 trillion. Some 50m Americans have negligible health-care cover. Abroad, even though troops are dying in two countries, the cack-handed way in which George Bush has prosecuted his war on terror has left America less feared by its enemies and less admired by its friends than it once was.

Yet there are also longer-term challenges, worth stressing if only because they have been so ignored on the campaign. Jump forward to 2017, when the next president will hope to relinquish office. A combination of demography and the rising costs of America’s huge entitlement programmes—Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid—will be starting to bankrupt the country. Abroad a greater task is already evident: welding the new emerging powers to the West. That is not just a matter of handling the rise of India and China, drawing them into global efforts, such as curbs on climate change; it means reselling economic and political freedom to a world that too quickly associates American capitalism with Lehman Brothers and American justice with Guantánamo Bay. This will take patience, fortitude, salesmanship and strategy.

At the beginning of this election year, there were strong arguments against putting another Republican in the White House. A spell in opposition seemed apt punishment for the incompetence, cronyism and extremism of the Bush presidency. Conservative America also needs to recover its vim. Somehow Ronald Reagan’s party of western individualism and limited government has ended up not just increasing the size of the state but turning it into a tool of southern-fried moralism.

The selection of Mr McCain as the Republicans’ candidate was a powerful reason to reconsider. Mr McCain has his faults: he is an instinctive politician, quick to judge and with a sharp temper. And his age has long been a concern (how many global companies in distress would bring in a new 72-year-old boss?). Yet he has bravely taken unpopular positions—for free trade, immigration reform, the surge in Iraq, tackling climate change and campaign-finance reform. A western Republican in the Reagan mould, he has a long record of working with both Democrats and America’s allies.


That, however, was Senator McCain; the Candidate McCain of the past six months has too often seemed the victim of political sorcery, his good features magically inverted, his bad ones exaggerated. The fiscal conservative who once tackled Mr Bush over his unaffordable tax cuts now proposes not just to keep the cuts, but to deepen them. The man who denounced the religious right as “agents of intolerance” now embraces theocratic culture warriors. The campaigner against ethanol subsidies (who had a better record on global warming than most Democrats) came out in favour of a petrol-tax holiday. It has not all disappeared: his support for free trade has never wavered. Yet rather than heading towards the centre after he won the nomination, Mr McCain moved to the right.

Meanwhile his temperament, always perhaps his weak spot, has been found wanting. Sometimes the seat-of-the-pants method still works: his gut reaction over Georgia—to warn Russia off immediately—was the right one. Yet on the great issue of the campaign, the financial crisis, he has seemed all at sea, emitting panic and indecision. Mr McCain has never been particularly interested in economics, but, unlike Mr Obama, he has made little effort to catch up or to bring in good advisers (Doug Holtz-Eakin being the impressive exception).

The choice of Sarah Palin epitomised the sloppiness. It is not just that she is an unconvincing stand-in, nor even that she seems to have been chosen partly for her views on divisive social issues, notably abortion. Mr McCain made his most important appointment having met her just twice.

Ironically, given that he first won over so many independents by speaking his mind, the case for Mr McCain comes down to a piece of artifice: vote for him on the assumption that he does not believe a word of what he has been saying. Once he reaches the White House, runs this argument, he will put Mrs Palin back in her box, throw away his unrealistic tax plan and begin negotiations with the Democratic Congress. That is plausible; but it is a long way from the convincing case that Mr McCain could have made. Had he become president in 2000 instead of Mr Bush, the world might have had fewer problems. But this time it is beset by problems, and Mr McCain has not proved that he knows how to deal with them.

Is Mr Obama any better? Most of the hoopla about him has been about what he is, rather than what he would do. His identity is not as irrelevant as it sounds. Merely by becoming president, he would dispel many of the myths built up about America: it would be far harder for the spreaders of hate in the Islamic world to denounce the Great Satan if it were led by a black man whose middle name is Hussein; and far harder for autocrats around the world to claim that American democracy is a sham. America’s allies would rally to him: the global electoral college on our website shows a landslide in his favour. At home he would salve, if not close, the ugly racial wound left by America’s history and lessen the tendency of American blacks to blame all their problems on racism.

So Mr Obama’s star quality will be useful to him as president. But that alone is not enough to earn him the job. Charisma will not fix Medicare nor deal with Iran. Can he govern well? Two doubts present themselves: his lack of executive experience; and the suspicion that he is too far to the left.

There is no getting around the fact that Mr Obama’s résumé is thin for the world’s biggest job. But the exceptionally assured way in which he has run his campaign is a considerable comfort. It is not just that he has more than held his own against Mr McCain in the debates. A man who started with no money and few supporters has out-thought, out-organised and outfought the two mightiest machines in American politics—the Clintons and the conservative right.

Political fire, far from rattling Mr Obama, seems to bring out the best in him: the furore about his (admittedly ghastly) preacher prompted one of the most thoughtful speeches of the campaign. On the financial crisis his performance has been as assured as Mr McCain’s has been febrile. He seems a quick learner and has built up an impressive team of advisers, drawing in seasoned hands like Paul Volcker, Robert Rubin and Larry Summers. Of course, Mr Obama will make mistakes; but this is a man who listens, learns and manages well.

It is hard too nowadays to depict him as soft when it comes to dealing with America’s enemies. Part of Mr Obama’s original appeal to the Democratic left was his keenness to get American troops out of Iraq; but since the primaries he has moved to the centre, pragmatically saying the troops will leave only when the conditions are right. His determination to focus American power on Afghanistan, Pakistan and proliferation was prescient. He is keener to talk to Iran than Mr McCain is— but that makes sense, providing certain conditions are met.

Our main doubts about Mr Obama have to do with the damage a muddle-headed Democratic Congress might try to do to the economy. Despite the protectionist rhetoric that still sometimes seeps into his speeches, Mr Obama would not sponsor a China-bashing bill. But what happens if one appears out of Congress? Worryingly, he has a poor record of defying his party’s baronies, especially the unions. His advisers insist that Mr Obama is too clever to usher in a new age of over-regulation, that he will stop such nonsense getting out of Congress, that he is a political chameleon who would move to the centre in Washington. But the risk remains that on economic matters the centre that Mr Obama moves to would be that of his party, not that of the country as a whole.


So Mr Obama in that respect is a gamble. But the same goes for Mr McCain on at least as many counts, not least the possibility of President Palin. And this cannot be another election where the choice is based merely on fear. In terms of painting a brighter future for America and the world, Mr Obama has produced the more compelling and detailed portrait. He has campaigned with more style, intelligence and discipline than his opponent. Whether he can fulfil his immense potential remains to be seen. But Mr Obama deserves the presidency.




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Obama: GOP 'kidnapped' by incompetent subset






Oct. 30: MSNBC's Rachel Maddow talks to Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama about his avoidance of partisan or ideological attacks. Maddow also gets answers on the economy and shoring up America's infrastructure.




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Thursday, October 30, 2008

ObamaVision: An Appeal to the Masses

By Tom Shales
Thursday, October 30, 2008; C01

Barack Obama fired the final salvo in the great battle of images that is the 2008 presidential campaign last night with a half-hour, multimillion-dollar television infomercial that could be considered not the "feel-good" but rather the "feel-better" movie of the year.

Somehow both poetic and practical, spiritual and sensible, the paid political broadcast, which aired on seven major cable and broadcast networks (on Univision, it was identified as "Historias Americanas"), was a montage of montages, a series of seamlessly blended segments interweaving the stories of embattled Americans with visions of their deliverer, Guess Who.

As political filmmaking, "Barack Obama: American Stories" was an elegant combination of pictures, sounds, voices and music designed not so much to sell America on Barack Obama as to communicate a sensibility. The film conveyed feelings, not facts -- specifically, a simulation of how it would feel to live in an America with Barack Obama in the White House. The tone and texture recalled the "morning in America" campaign film made on behalf of Ronald Reagan, a work designed to give the audience a sense of security and satisfaction; things are going to be all right.

Obama was narrator of his film, but also its star, appearing in excerpts from speeches delivered before tremendous crowds (including the finale to the Democratic convention, a nearly biblical pageant), sitting or standing in a flag-bedecked office that looked comfortable and White Housey, and in campaign footage out amongst the folks, the people, the faithful, the huddled masses.

It also included brief testimonials from estimable figures -- running mate Joe Biden; Michelle Obama, the candidate's wife; Google chief executive Eric Schmidt; Virginia Gov. Tim Kaine; New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson; and others.

Absent were the kinds of figures and graphics featured in some of Obama's bread-and-butter commercials: his economic plan vs. that of competitor John McCain, his health plan vs. that of McCain, and so on. And while there was some outright rhetoric ("the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression" . . . "eight years of failed policies"), most of the talk was conversational in that laid-back, not-to-worry, calmly passionate, defiantly hopeful Obaman way.

Although McCain was not seen during the half-hour, one could easily summon the contrasting image of the Republican while watching Obama. McCain has come across on television as relatively worried, whiny, fusty and falsely folksy. He brought bad news; he has come to epitomize and personify it. Obama brings you medication along with the list of symptoms; he has developed a great bedside, as well as fireside, manner.

It was the easiest thing in the world, watching the skillfully edited hodgepodge put together by his campaign, to picture Obama as president. That's one thing the film was designed to do, especially for the doubters and those scared, "undecided" voters out there.

The vignettes -- Obama called them "stories that reflect the state of our union" -- were brief and dealt with or had ties to the current global economic strife. In North Kansas City, Mo., a family of eight in which the husband and father continues working at a tire retread plant even though he should have a leg operation, because he can't afford it. In Sardinia, Ohio, would-be retirees who have to defer the "golden years" because of a home equity loan and the lack of health insurance.

Interspersed with the vignettes were Obama's personal stories of hardships overcome while growing up and of the values inculcated by the grandmother who was largely in charge of raising him. For the umpty-umpth time, he told the story of how Granny woke his 8-year-old self up at 4:30 a.m. to go over homework and how, when he grumbled about it, she'd respond with, "Well, this is no picnic for me, either, buster."

Obama also spoke again of his mother's death from cancer, and how an insurance company refused to pay for the care she needed because her illness was coldly deemed "a preexisting condition." What Obama promises to fight are a number of preexisting conditions, too. Strangely or not, one of those -- the war in Iraq -- was barely mentioned. The war being fought by those portrayed in the film is strictly on the home front, though there was a weirdly retro reference at one point to curbing "Russian aggression."

The half-hour was underscored with music in a kind of elegiac, Aaron Copland mode -- sorrow and stature. Obama seemed as heroic a figure as Henry Fonda's Tom Joad in "The Grapes of Wrath," but with more of a Jimmy Stewart personality. He has come, the film said, to show us all the way, and if we don't know it by now, and after all those millions spent to tell us, it's our fault.

There didn't have to be a big finish to the show, but there was: a live appearance by Obama, joined at the last moment by Biden, from a stadium in Florida. "America, the time for change has come," Obama boomed, and the crowd's roar grew louder with his voice. Now it seemed to be turning into a Frank Capra movie; after all, "Grapes of Wrath" did not have a happy ending, but, according to last night's multicast -- in spectacular ObamaRama -- this movie will.




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For Obama Volunteer, A Solitary Sense of History

Md. Mother Sometimes Feels Like Outsider In the Youthful, 'Post-Racial' Campaign

By Krissah Williams Thompson
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, October 30, 2008; A01

Donnell Stewart dragged her 19-year-old son out of the house, again, on a bright Saturday morning for the same reason she had all those other weekend mornings. "We're going Obama- eering," she sang out.

Desmond knew well not to argue. When he moved home last year after he was injured and lost his football scholarship at Hampton University, his mother told him he had to do two things to live under her roof: "You will go to college," she said. "And you will volunteer for Barack Obama."

Nearly every weekend since, they have gotten in the "Obama-bile" -- Stewart's beat-up maroon SUV, plastered with "Got Hope?" decals and other Obama bumper stickers -- and driven hours from their home in Catonsville, Md., to volunteer. The vehicle's transmission conked out last week.

Stewart believes the election of Obama would be "utterly life-changing," fundamentally transforming the way blacks think about themselves. "There is a depth of meaning to this election that can only be grasped by African Americans," she said.

Yet her journey sometimes has left her feeling like an outsider among the tens of thousands of young volunteers in the Obama campaign, a fast-moving mini-world where the term "post-racial" is batted around and colorblindness is a goal of many. For Stewart, the goal is advancing the black community. She has trouble understanding how this election could mean to those young workers anything close to what it means to her.

Even at home, Stewart often finds herself alone in her passion. Her boyfriend plans to vote for Obama, but that's the extent of his participation. The Democrat's historic campaign means little to him personally. While he admires what Stewart has done, he also finds much of it amusing.

And then there is Desmond, the reluctant volunteer. He, more than anyone, drives Stewart to try to make this history happen. The promise of the Obama campaign has made her see Desmond's future differently, and she wants him to see what she sees. Now, she said, "I'm not lying when I tell him you can be anything you want, even president."

On a Mission

"I'd hate to think if [Obama] lost, I was home doing my laundry," Stewart told Desmond one Saturday last month.

So the dirty clothes were in a pile as they left their one-story cottage with an Obama-Biden sign in the yard and two in the front windows. Mom pulled her hair back in a pony tail, threw on a pair of jeans and a T-shirt she bought at her first Democratic National Convention. She and Desmond headed south to Virginia, part of a groundswell of African American participation this election. A poll by ABC News, USA Today and Columbia University found that blacks are volunteering and donating money in this race at a rate far greater than whites and Hispanics.

The Stewarts' first stop was the Obama for America office in a run-down Alexandria strip mall, two doors from a burned-out laundromat and around the way from a Check Into Cash shop, to pick up registration forms and instructions. They were handed out by an Asian man in his 20s, who gave a quick and emotionless briefing.

"I've volunteered many places, and the only common denominator is the people in charge look as young as my son," Stewart said afterward. "I drove two hours; I expect someone to say, 'Hello. How are you?' "

She feels a twinge of annoyance at the campaign letting young people run things. "Some of them could use some home training," she said. "I think many of them don't realize the slights. You can only blame their parents for that."

She taught Desmond to address anyone older than his mother as Miss or Mister, and she expects the same from other young people. It irks her when they call her Donnell, and she will correct them with a stern "Ms. Stewart."

At the convention, Stewart got close to Michelle Obama -- a fellow Princeton graduate whom Stewart knew causally way back when -- and got the urge to pass her a note. She wanted to let her know that she is volunteering like crazy and willing to do more, even to take a leave from Howard County's health department, where she is a supervisor.

But Stewart was sure she could not get the note past the two young white women working as Michelle's gatekeepers. Her pride caught her, and the note stayed in her pocket.

"I couldn't bring myself to beg them," she said.

On this day, Stewart pushed past her feelings and followed the young man's instructions to stand in front of a Springfield strip mall soliciting unregistered voters.

"How long do we have to be here?" Desmond asked as they arrived. "I'm about to feel like a goon running up to people in the parking lot."

"As long as it takes," Stewart told him. "Until we feel done. Do what you've got to do, boo!"

Stewart sent him to stand in front of PetSmart. She took Best Buy. Desmond, wearing a red, black and green Obama T-shirt -- the colors symbolizing pan-African pride -- found no takers among the pet owners he solicited. His mother collected four registration forms in three hours and spent 20 minutes trying to persuade an undecided Filipino couple to vote for Obama.

"I was at the convention in Denver," she told them, "and I saw people of all shapes and sizes together for one reason, supporting Barack Obama. Then I looked at the Republican convention, and they fit the stereotype."

In politics, racial diversity matters to her, along with her opposition to the war in Iraq and worries about the economy. She's "one of those people that count the number of black people at an event."

"I want to make sure I'm represented," she said.

Stewart's strong sense of racial identity came from growing up in a predominantly white housing project in Cambridge, Mass., where hers was one of only three black families in the neighborhood. Her mother, Donna Lassiter, was a loving but strict sixth-generation New Englander, and when her daughter came home crying once because she felt she was being mistreated by a teacher because she was black, Lassiter admonished her that "race is never an excuse."

But when she was 8 or 9, she also saw her mother take a neighbor to court for harassment for referring to Stewart with a racial epithet. "I understood there were some things that were inviolable," Stewart said, some lines that don't get crossed. "Race was one of those things."

Passion Not Always Shared

At home on a rare Saturday afternoon, Stewart sat in her living room with her boyfriend, Wayne Mack, a 48-year-old Maryland State Police officer who doesn't see any particular personal reward in an Obama victory.

"When I wake up on Election Day, it will be Tuesday. If Obama wins, it will still be Tuesday. I don't see how at the level people are working here, Obama's election will change their lives other than him saying, 'Thank you very much -- you are one of the millions who helped me get elected,' " Mack said. "I think it is great, but I don't see him becoming president changing my life that much."

Not Stewart. She is taking Nov. 5 off, to spend the day in either exultation or despair.

Mack was surprised when Stewart went to Denver for the convention and when she donated to Obama's campaign $1,000 of the home-equity loan she took out to pay for Desmond's tuition.

Stewart did not talk to Mack for a day after he refused to put an Obama bumper sticker on his car.

To share her passion, Stewart turns to Juanita Duckett, 45, who lives outside Philadelphia and has been her best friend since Princeton. They call themselves "classmates of Michelle for Obama," and they talk almost every day about the campaign.

"Did you see your senator today in Philly?" Stewart asked.

"No. I'm really upset because I really wanted to be there," Duckett said. "I didn't know where he was. I did get a few voter registration forms today, though."

"Woo-hoo! Go, girl."

Easter Sunday before the Pennsylvania primary, the two girlfriends campaigned together, visiting black churches and soliciting volunteers. When they returned to the Obama campaign office in their Sunday best, they found pizza for supper and "sneakers up on the table." That was a turnoff for some of the older black volunteers, who left, Stewart said. She took it as another sign of a lack of understanding of black culture and the meaning this campaign holds.

Even with the aggravations, Obama's run feels like a healing salve for all the cuts Stewart believes life has doled out because of the color of her skin. Such as the time a white female boss she considered a friend told her she was "intimidating."

"I couldn't understand it," Stewart recalled. "I decorated my office with rubber duckies and gave away candy. How is that intimidating?"

She felt stereotyped in the way Michelle Obama has been at times -- called "scary" by a woman Stewart met and discussed in a segment about "angry black women" on Fox News.

"I thought, how many times have I been told that? I'm tall, I'm smart, I speak my mind, and therefore I'm terrifying," Stewart said. "When I ask for specifics, there are none."

The campaign has tapped a well of emotions. Mascara rolled down Stewart's face in Denver as she watched Obama accept the Democratic nomination before a crowd of more than 84,000. She felt that the country had reached a new level of racial acceptance, if not understanding.

Other times, her blood pressure has risen when she had read about "white working-class" voters who tell reporters and commentators that they won't vote for Obama because he is black, or that he doesn't represent the "real America."

"They are pretty much angry anytime they see us doing anything when we are trying to advance ourselves as a people," Stewart said. "I am fairly used to angry white folks, and they find excuses to make themselves the victim whenever we gain little or big steps, [such as] the tiny number of African Americans who get into school because of racial preferences over the large number of whites who get in because of alumni and other entitlement programs."

When she and Desmond sit down for a meal, they say grace and a short prayer for Obama. He is the kind of man Desmond wants to tell his own children about someday. Desmond may not be the eager volunteer that his mother is, but he said the sense of living history that she has been trying so hard to teach him is sinking in. He said some black teenagers think of rappers Jay-Z and Tupac Shakur as role models, but the campaign has made it clear that they are not the real deal.

"This is the first time in a long time that black people are actually going to have someone to look up to who is respected universally, around the world," if Obama wins the election, Desmond said. "It won't change things overnight. It's a mentality shifter more so than something you can reach out and touch."




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Call Him John the Careless

By George F. Will
Thursday, October 30, 2008; A23

From the invasion of Iraq to the selection of Sarah Palin, carelessness has characterized recent episodes of faux conservatism. Tuesday's probable repudiation of the Republican Party will punish characteristics displayed in the campaign's closing days.

Some polls show that Palin has become an even heavier weight in John McCain's saddle than his association with George W. Bush. Did McCain, who seems to think that Palin's never having attended a "Georgetown cocktail party" is sufficient qualification for the vice presidency, lift an eyebrow when she said that vice presidents "are in charge of the United States Senate"?

She may have been tailoring her narrative to her audience of third-graders, who do not know that vice presidents have no constitutional function in the Senate other than to cast tie-breaking votes. But does she know that when Lyndon Johnson, transformed by the 1960 election from Senate majority leader into vice president, ventured to the Capitol to attend the Democratic senators' weekly policy luncheon, the new majority leader, Montana's Mike Mansfield, supported by his caucus, barred him because his presence would be a derogation of the Senate's autonomy?

Perhaps Palin's confusion about the office for which she is auditioning comes from listening to its current occupant. Dick Cheney, the foremost practitioner of this administration's constitutional carelessness in aggrandizing executive power, regularly attends the Senate Republicans' Tuesday luncheons. He has said jocularly that he is "a product" of the Senate, which pays his salary, and that he has no "official duties" in the executive branch. His situational constitutionalism has, however, led him to assert, when claiming exemption from a particular executive order, that he is a member of the legislative branch and, when seeking to shield certain of his deliberations from legislative inquiry, to say that he is a member of the executive branch.

Palin may be an inveterate simplifier; McCain has a history of reducing controversies to cartoons. A Republican financial expert recalls attending a dinner with McCain for the purpose of discussing with him domestic and international financial complexities that clearly did not fascinate the senator. As the dinner ended, McCain's question for his briefer was: "So, who is the villain?"

McCain revived a familiar villain -- "huge amounts" of political money -- when Barack Obama announced that he had received contributions of $150 million in September. "The dam is broken," said McCain, whose constitutional carelessness involves wanting to multiply impediments to people who want to participate in politics by contributing to candidates -- people such as the 632,000 first-time givers to Obama in September.

Why is it virtuous to erect a dam of laws to impede the flow of contributions by which citizens exercise their First Amendment right to political expression? "We're now going to see," McCain warned, "huge amounts of money coming into political campaigns, and we know history tells us that always leads to scandal." The supposedly inevitable scandal, which supposedly justifies preemptive government restrictions on Americans' freedom to fund the dissemination of political ideas they favor, presumably is that Obama will be pressured to give favors to his September givers. The contributions by the new givers that month averaged $86.

One excellent result of this election cycle is that public financing of presidential campaigns now seems sillier than ever. The public has always disliked it: Voluntary and cost-free participation, using the check-off on the income tax form, peaked at 28.7 percent in 1980 and has sagged to 9.2 percent. The Post, which is melancholy about the system's parlous condition, says there were three reasons for creating public financing: to free candidates from the demands of fundraising, to level the playing field and "to limit the amount of money pouring into presidential campaigns." The first reason is decreasingly persuasive because fundraising is increasingly easy because of new technologies such as the Internet. The second reason is, the Supreme Court says, constitutionally impermissible. Government may not mandate equality of resources among political competitors who earn different levels of voluntary support. As for the third reason -- "huge amounts" (McCain) of money "pouring into" (The Post) presidential politics -- well:

The Center for Responsive Politics calculates that, by Election Day, $2.4 billion will have been spent on presidential campaigns in the two-year election cycle that began in January 2007, and an additional $2.9 billion will have been spent on 435 House and 35 Senate contests. This $5.3 billion is a billion less than Americans will spend this year on potato chips.

georgewill@washpost.com



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5 Ways to Protect Your Vote






If there's one thing we see every election, it's that Republicans will try to manipulate the rules any way they can to prevent some people from voting. Don't be discouraged--be prepared. If we're armed with the right information, we can beat most of these dirty tricks.
  1. Be Prepared, and Conquer the Lines. We can't let long lines stop anyone from voting. There are several ways you can reduce lines and make sure they don't prevent you or anyone else from voting:
    • Vote early if you can. You can find early voting times and locations at govote.org.
    • Double-check your polling location before you go to vote. You can look it up at govote.org.
    • Have a Plan & Have Fun. Have a plan in case there are lines. Bring some food, drinks, friends, books, games, a chair -- anything that will prevent you and other voters from walking away. Have fun while you wait and encourage your friends and neighbors to stay in line so their vote is counted.
    • Don't give up--don't walk away without voting.
  2. Two numbers you should have in your phone. Put these numbers in your phone so you're prepared to report problems and help other voters find their polling place:
    • 866-OUR-VOTE is a hotline that's been set up to collect information about problems on election day--lawyers and election protection advocates are ready to respond. It's the best way to make sure someone addresses any problems you see.
    • The number for your local election board--in case you need to tell someone where they can vote. Enter you zip code at govote.org, then look for "Contact [your county] election officials" on the right.
  3. Beware of lies, misinformation and dirty tricks; spread the truth.
    Republican operatives are spreading plain lies to frighten new voters. In Philadelphia, anonymous flyers in Black neighborhoods have falsely claimed that voters with unpaid traffic tickets or outstanding warrants will be arrested at the polls. If you hear a scary rumor, it's probably a lie. Call your local election officials to check it out--and make sure your friends and neighbors know the truth.
  4. Leave the Obama gear at home.
    In some places, you won't be allowed into the polling place if you're wearing clothes and pins that support a given candidate. This isn't true everywhere, but it's best to play it safe. You can contact your local board of elections to find out if it's a problem in your area. If it is, bring some extra plain T-shirts or sweaters to loan neighbors who show up unaware of the rule.
  5. Read the ballot carefully, and ask questions!
    Some ballots can be confusing even for smart and informed voters. Read instructions on the ballot carefully, and if you're not sure you understand something, ask a poll worker to explain. Remember what happened in 2000 in Florida--a confusing ballot caused thousands of people to mistakenly vote for the wrong Presidential candidate. Don't let that happen to you!



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The GOP WON'T STEAL MY VOTE:NOT THIS TIME!

Because this election is still about you.






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American Stories, American Solutions




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Senator Obama visited with volunteers and made phone calls at the Campaign for Change office in Brighton, Colorado.




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Daughter of slave votes for Obama : 109-year-old Bastrop woman casts her vote by mail.


AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
Monday, October 27, 2008

Larry Kolvoord/AMERICAN-STATESMAN
At her father's urging, Amanda Jones said she has voted for decades despite discriminatory poll practices. The Democrat, 109, recently mailed in a vote for Sen. Barack Obama.


Amanda Jones, 109, the daughter of a man born into slavery, has lived a life long enough to touch three centuries. And after voting consistently as a Democrat for 70 years, she has voted early for the country's first black presidential nominee.

The middle child of 13, Jones, who is African American, is part of a family that has lived in Republican-leaning Bastrop County for five generations. The family has remained a fixture in Cedar Creek and other parts of the county, even when its members had to eat at segregated barbecue dives and walk through the back door while white customers walked through the front, said Amanda Jones' 68-year-old daughter, Joyce Jones.

For at least a decade, Amanda Jones worked as a maid for $20 a month, Joyce Jones said. She was a housewife for 72 years and helped her now-deceased husband, C.L. Jones, manage a store.

Amanda Jones, a delicate, thin woman wearing golden-rimmed glasses, giggled as the family discussed this year's presidential election. She is too weak to go the polls, so two of her 10 children — Eloise Baker, 75, and Joyce Jones — helped her fill out a mail-in ballot for Barack Obama, Baker said. "I feel good about voting for him," Amanda Jones said.

Jones' father herded sheep as a slave until he was 12, according to the family, and once he was freed, he was a farmer who raised cows, hogs and turkeys on land he owned. Her mother was born right after the Emancipation Proclamation was signed, Joyce Jones said. The family owned more than 100 acres of land in Cedar Creek at one point, she said.

Amanda Jones' father urged her to exercise her right to vote, despite discriminatory practices at the polls and poll taxes meant to keep black and poor people from voting. Those practices were outlawed for federal elections with the 24th Amendment in 1964, but not for state and local races in Texas until 1966.

Amanda Jones says she cast her first presidential vote for Franklin Roosevelt, but she doesn't recall which of his four terms that was. When she did vote, she paid a poll tax, her daughters said. That she is able, for the first time, to vote for a black presidential nominee for free fills her with joy, Jones said.

One of Amanda Jones' 33 grandchildren, Brenda Baker, 44, said the family is moved by the election's significance to the matriarch.

"It's awesome to me that we have such a pillar of our family still with us," Baker said. "It's awesome to see what she's done, and all her hard work, and to see that she may be able to see the results of all that hard work" if Obama is elected, she said.

Jones lives in a small gray house with white trim just off Texas 21. These days, a curious white kitten and a sleepy old black dog guard the house. Inside are photographs and relics of a long, full life, including a letter from then-Gov. George Bush in 1998 commemorating her 100th birthday. A black-and-white picture of her in a long flapper-style dress was taken between 1912 and 1918 — no one can remember the exact year, Baker said with a chuckle.

Jones is part of a small percentage of active voters above the age of 100 in the state — and the country.

Sister Cecilia Gaudette, a 106-year-old nun born in New Hampshire but living in Rome, made recent national headlines as the nation's oldest voter. But if Texas records are any indication, that's hard to validate.

Secretary of State spokeswoman Ashley Burton said Texas can't confirm whether Jones is the state's oldest active voter because there is too much voter information to sort through. At the county level, there are other challenges. An election official in Hays County said its records are not searchable by age, and Bastrop County elections administrator Nora Cano said that some counties automatically list voters who were born before the turn of the 20th century with birth dates of January 1900.

The oldest active voter in Travis County is 105, officials said, and in Williamson County the oldest is 106 — making Jones the oldest-known active voter in Central Texas.

Making it to see the election results on Nov. 5 is important, but Jones is resting up for another milestone: her 110th birthday in December. "God has been good to me," she said.

joshundasanders@statesman.com;445-3630




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Obama: McCain echoing Bush policies

Oct. 29: Speaking in North Carolina, Barack Obama says John McCain is echoing George Bush's economic policies of tax breaks for the wealthy and corporations, and the privatization of social security.







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Wednesday, October 29, 2008

Obama ridicules McCain charge he's socialist


RALEIGH, N.C. – Barack Obama accused Republican rival John McCain on Wednesday of stooping to low tactics by labeling the Democrat a socialist. "I don't know what's next," Obama, the presidential candidate, said at an outdoor rally in North Carolina. "By the end of the week, he'll be accusing me of being a secret communist because I shared my toys in kindergarten. I shared my peanut butter and jelly sandwich."

Obama turned to ridicule to rebut McCain's daily references to Obama's encounter with "Joe the Plumber." McCain has capitalized on a moment when Obama told an Ohio plumber that he wanted to "spread the wealth around" by boosting taxes on wealthier people to finance a middle class tax cut.

The rally in North Carolina's capitol opened a day when Obama will be a one-man television blitz, saturating prime-time with a 30-minute ad and popping up on late-night TV scene. He is also giving an interview to a prominent network news anchor, and appearing with fellow Democratic star Bill Clinton at a rally timed to hit the late-evening news.

The 30-minute infomercial is Obama's final opportunity to reach a mass audience to discuss his principles of governing. Obama's proposals will be showcased through the stories of four different Americans who illustrate specific national challenges and how Obama would address them, the campaign said.

Obama himself will speak in the video — at times with a group of voters, at others directly to the audience. The 30 minutes will end by cutting to a live appearance by Obama in Kissimmee, Fla., though the campaign said that would be a small portion of the half-hour video.

The video features footage shot by Davis Guggenheim, the director and executive producer of former Vice President Al Gore's Oscar-winning documentary on global warming, "An Inconvenient Truth." Guggenheim, the son of award-winning filmmaker Charles Guggenheim, also was a producer and director on the HBO series "Deadwood."

In Raleigh, Obama painted a bleak picture of a McCain presidency. He said voters would get no help paying for college, see their health benefits taxed, and watch tax relief go to the rich.

"So whether you are Suzy the student, or Nancy the nurse, or Tina the teacher, or Carl the construction worker, if my opponent is elected, you will be worse off four years from now than you are today," Obama said. "Let's cut through the negative ads and the phony attacks."

McCain, trailing in the pools with time dwindling, has tried to boost his chances by hammering Obama's tax plan. Obama says he wants to give a tax cut to 95 percent of taxpayers, but McCain says Obama and Democrats in Congress will wind up taxing the middle class.

Obama's counterpunch came amid new poll data in his favor.

An AP-GfK poll shows Obama leading in four key states won by President Bush in 2004 and essentially tied with McCain in two other Republican states — North Carolina and Florida, where Obama campaigned Wednesday.

With six days until the election, Obama was on the offensive in North Carolina, which Bush won twice by double digits. No Democratic presidential candidate has won it since Jimmy Carter.

McCain spent the day defending his position in Florida, the most valuable swing state with 27 electoral votes and another place Bush won twice. McCain is scrambling to hang onto states Bush won to have any chance of pulling an upset.

Obama, meanwhile, is trying to win over voters from the comfort of their couches.

His prime-time ad is rare, and costly. The Obama team bought time on CBS, NBC and Fox for about $1 million per network. The spot airs at 8 p.m. EDT. It is also scheduled to run on Univision, BET, MSNBC and TV One.

Flush with cash, Obama has used his record-shattering fundraising to by buy media time in ways McCain cannot.

McCain also is purchasing loads of ad time. But Obama has been able to spend in more states than McCain, appear more frequently in key markets and diversify his messages — some positive, some negative.

Obama's latest ad, unfurled Wednesday, was a negative 30-second spot aimed at key states that uses McCain's own words against him and mocks GOP running mate Sarah Palin. It shows McCain acknowledging in three quotes, one from 2005 and two from 2007, that he knows less about economic matters than other issues. In the last quote, McCain says he might have to rely on his vice president for expertise — and then the spot cuts to a winking Palin.

McCain countered with his own new ad, dismissing Obama's infomercial as a "TV special."

"Behind the fancy speeches, grand promises and TV special, lies the truth," the McCain ad's announcer says. "With crises at home and abroad, Barack Obama lacks the experience America needs. And it shows. His response to our economic crisis is to spend and tax our economy deeper into recession. The fact is Barack Obama's not ready yet."

Obama on Wednesday will give an interview to Charlie Gibson of ABC's "World News" and tape an appearance on Comedy Central's "The Daily Show," which will air at 11 p.m. EDT.

___

Associated Press Writer Jim Kuhnhenn contributed to this story from Washington.




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'Never Seen Crowds Like This'

As Region Braces for Record Turnout, Group Sues for Va. Voting Provisions

By Christian Davenport and Anita Kumar
Washington Post Staff Writers
Wednesday, October 29, 2008; B01

One week before the Nov. 4 election, a courtroom showdown is looming in Virginia over whether the battleground state is prepared to handle what is expected to be a historic voter turnout.

Virginia Gov. Timothy M. Kaine (D) and his top elections officials yesterday launched an impassioned defense of the state's ability to handle the crowds, disputing claims in a lawsuit filed late Monday on behalf of the NAACP that the state has not allocated enough voting machines, poll workers and polling places, particularly in precincts with large minority populations.

Maryland and District officials are also expecting record turnout, which already has spawned long lines for in-person absentee voting, and say they are taking steps to ensure that Election Day goes as smoothly as possible. Still, they concede that long lines could delay results and cause some voters to give up before casting a ballot.

Never have so many people in the region registered to vote, and with the intense interest in the presidential election, officials expect turnout rates as high as 90 percent. Virginia has added 500,000 registered voters to its rolls since the 2004 presidential election and now has more than 5 million. Maryland's list has grown 10 percent, to almost 3.5 million, and the District has almost 427,000.

"The numbers are going to be staggering," said Guy Mickley, president of the Maryland Association of Elections Officials.

The lawsuit was filed in Richmond and Norfolk by the Advancement Project, a D.C.-based voter protection group, on the NAACP's behalf. Judith Browne-Dianis, the project's co-director, said a hearing could be held in U.S. District Court in Richmond as soon as tomorrow.

Among other things, the group has asked the state to move voting machines to precincts most likely to have long lines, keep polls open for two extra hours and use paper ballots in some cases. The group issued a report this month asserting that, in a large turnout, there simply would not be enough time for everyone to vote. That could force polls to stay open late into the night so that those who arrived by the 7 p.m. closing time could cast their ballots.

"That kind of surge in registration and turnout is just way too much for the system," Browne-Dianis said. "That kind of wait leads to lost votes. Not everyone is privileged to stand in line for long hours."

On his monthly call-in show on WTOP radio, Kaine said the state was "extremely well prepared" and that "if a court wants to take a look at what we're doing, we welcome them."

Virginia officials have added 4,600 voting machines since 2004, an increase of 77 percent. Elections officials also have embarked on a widespread effort to recruit 10,000 additional poll workers for Election Day, increasing the total to 30,000, Kaine said. The state has added more precincts.

"We have dramatically increased the resources that are available in each precinct to help voters vote," he said.

Not all voting rights advocates agree with the NAACP's lawsuit. "I'm not trying to defend the State Board of Elections, but you can't do this a week before the election and expect it to make things better," said Jeremy Epstein, co-founder of the Verifiable Voting Coalition of Virginia.

In Maryland, Gov. Martin O'Malley (D) sought to assure voters yesterday. "We are working hard to ensure that we're able to accommodate the crowds next Tuesday," he said in a statement.

The state will have spare voting machines loaded onto vans ready to be deployed to the busiest districts. Some jurisdictions will use high school students as greeters to keep lines moving.

Voters can help by becoming familiar with the ballot beforehand and casting their votes during off-peak hours, between 10 a.m. and 4 p.m., officials said. Those who qualify have been urged to vote absentee. And many have. People have been streaming into polling places, creating long lines that officials said were a glimpse of what's to come Tuesday.

"We've never seen crowds like this for in-person absentee voting," said Gary Scott, Fairfax County's deputy registrar. The silver lining, he said, is that "every person who votes absentee is one less person on Election Day."

Elections offices in the District also have been swamped. The District expects to have 2,500 poll workers, up from about 1,500 in 2000, according to Dan Murphy, spokesman for the D.C. Board of Elections and Ethics. The District will have about 20 "area representatives" driving across the city with extra ballots and emergency supplies.

About 1,000 voters a day were showing up to cast absentee ballots in Arlington County, said Linda Lindberg, the general registrar. The county has surpassed the 12,000 absentee ballots cast in 2004, she said, and the number continues to climb.

Epstein said jurisdictions such as Fairfax, Arlington and Loudoun counties should be well positioned to handle the Election Day crush because they use paper ballots as well as electronic voting machines if there are long waits.

The worst problems, he said, could occur in Prince William County, which only uses electronic voting machines and has one machine for every 600 registered voters. There are about 218,000 registered voters in the county. Three spare machines are available in case of breakdowns.

"There's a potential disaster there," he said.

Betty Weimer, the county's general registrar, rejects that dire prediction, saying three spares should suffice because "typically, we do not have any problems with our voting equipment."

She added that the county was well ahead of the state mandate of one machine for every 750 voters. Plus, voters have only three choices to make on the ballot in Prince William: the presidential race and two congressional races. There are no time-consuming ballot questions.

"It should move very quickly," she said. "I think we'll be fine."

Voter turnout in Maryland could be stimulated by a referendum on slot machine gambling, which has galvanized voters on both sides. Maryland residents will also consider a ballot question on early voting, and some localities have additional questions that might require extra time to read and digest. In Prince George's County, for example, there are seven additional questions asking voters to approve bonds for projects including libraries, county buildings and public safety facilities.

Poll workers will distribute "specimen ballots" to voters "so that while they're waiting they can become familiar with the questions," said Daneen Banks, deputy administrator of the Prince George's Board of Elections.

The county has added 400 voting machines since the 2004 presidential election, for a total of 2,700. Maryland law requires one machine for every 200 voters, which is starkly different from the 1-to-750 ratio required in Virginia. But because Virginia holds elections more frequently, officials said, the ballots are usually shorter and require less time to cast.

An investigation into how the 2006 general election was handled in Prince George's found that two-thirds of the county's precincts did not have enough voting machines. A polling place at the University of Maryland, where some voters waited for hours, was supposed to have 12 machines but received four.

The county has a new elections administrator, Alisha L. Alexander, who has vowed that such a gaffe would not be repeated. Still, given the lengthy ballot, "we expect that lines can be as long as maybe an hour and a half," Banks said.

But long lines aren't necessarily a bad thing, said Montgomery County elections spokeswoman Marjorie Roher.

"That means there's a lot of interest in the election, and that's a good thing," she said.

Advice from the Prince William registrar: Wear comfortable shoes, be patient and pretend you're "waiting in line for the new Wii" video game system.

Staff writers Tim Craig, Kristen Mack and Lisa Rein contributed to this report; staff writer Anita Kumar reported from Richmond.




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