BIENVENUE SUR MON BLOGUE-WELCOME TO MY BLOG

THIS BLOG's GOAL IS TO OBJECTIVELY INFORM.EVERYONE IS WELCOME TO COMMENT

CE BLOGUE A POUR BUT D'INFORMER DE MANIÈRE OBJECTIVE

E. do REGO

IL EXISTE MILLE MANIERES DE MENTIR, MAIS UNE SEULE DE DIRE LA VERITE.

Le Mensonge peut courir un an, la vérité le rattrape en un jour, dit le sage Haoussa .

Tant que les lions n’auront pas leurs propres historiens, les histoires de chasse continueront de glorifier le chasseur.










Wednesday, July 30, 2008

Obama: How to Look Presidential

Saturday, Jul. 26, 2008


As Barack Obama headed home from his triumphal weeklong tour of the Middle East and Europe, the biggest question is how much of the love he got overseas is going to rub off at home. Certainly, the polls are not showing it. Despite a dismal week in which John McCain struggled to be heard through the saturation coverage of Obama's trip, the Republican nominee actually seemed to be getting stronger in some key battleground states.

Obama's advisers, however, say polling is not a measure of the impact of a week in which Americans saw Obama taking a helicopter ride with David Petraeus, the commanding general in Iraq, and sinking a three-pointer in a basketball game with troops in Kuwait; receiving what amounted to an endorsement from a smitten French President Nicolas Sarkozy, and addressing a Berlin crowd of 200,000 — three times larger than any he has ever drawn in the United States. "I don't think these are the issues that are driving the polls right now," said David Axelrod, the Obama campaign's chief strategist. "I think the economy is driving the election, and it will continue to drive the election." That is why the campaign says that, upon his return, Obama will sharply pivot to talking about domestic concerns.

The trip was a reminder, too, that Tip O'Neill's adage about politics being local applies overseas as well. Two of the countries on his itinerary — Israel and Britain — are likely to see changes in government in the near future, so Obama made a point of meeting with leaders across the political spectrum. You could also see their domestic political concerns at work in how those foreign leaders approached Obama. Sarkozy, for example, has been under sharp criticism at home for his pro-American posture; it certainly didn't hurt him to be seen swooning over the only American politician whose motorcade through Paris would be met by thousands of cheering Frenchmen. When Obama went to Sderot, an Israeli town at the edge of Gaza that has been pounded for years by Palestinian rockets, he was accompanied by both Defense Minister Ehud Barak and Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, who may be rivals in a bid to succeed Prime Minister Ehud Olmert.

The final day of Obama's trip seemed to be a metaphorical stroll from Britain's past to its future. He had breakfast at his hotel with former Prime Minister Tony Blair, now a Middle East envoy for the international community. It was followed by a meeting with the embattled current one, the Labor Party's Gordon Brown. Obama then proceeded to one at the parliament building with the youthful and charismatic David Cameron, leader of the Conservative Party opposition. Also at 10 Downing Street while Obama was there: David Lammy, one of two black ministers in Brown's government, who has tried to style his own political career on Obama's.

It has not always been to a politician's advantage to be loved in Europe — just ask John "Looks French" Kerry. Republicans are hoping that Obama's trip will backfire with voters as an exercise in presumption. "This week the presidential contest was a long-distance affair, with my opponent touring various continents and arriving yesterday in Paris," McCain said in his weekly radio address. "With all the breathless coverage from abroad, and with Senator Obama now addressing his speeches to 'the people of the world,' I'm starting to feel a little left out. Maybe you are too."

But that kind of tack may not work as well as it did four years ago. In a June poll, the Pew Research Center 71% of respondents said the U.S. is less respected in the world than it used to be; for the first time since Pew began asking that question in 2004, a majority said they consider that a major problem.

In the longer run, Obama's greatest political gain from the trip may come from the respectful reception he has gotten from foreign leaders. Polls show that the biggest area where he consistently trails McCain is on the question of whether he would be a good commander-in-chief. The image that voters got this week was of a candidate who could stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the country's key allies.


Obama: How to Look Presidential

Saturday, Jul. 26, 2008


As Barack Obama headed home from his triumphal weeklong tour of the Middle East and Europe, the biggest question is how much of the love he got overseas is going to rub off at home. Certainly, the polls are not showing it. Despite a dismal week in which John McCain struggled to be heard through the saturation coverage of Obama's trip, the Republican nominee actually seemed to be getting stronger in some key battleground states.

Obama's advisers, however, say polling is not a measure of the impact of a week in which Americans saw Obama taking a helicopter ride with David Petraeus, the commanding general in Iraq, and sinking a three-pointer in a basketball game with troops in Kuwait; receiving what amounted to an endorsement from a smitten French President Nicolas Sarkozy, and addressing a Berlin crowd of 200,000 — three times larger than any he has ever drawn in the United States. "I don't think these are the issues that are driving the polls right now," said David Axelrod, the Obama campaign's chief strategist. "I think the economy is driving the election, and it will continue to drive the election." That is why the campaign says that, upon his return, Obama will sharply pivot to talking about domestic concerns.

The trip was a reminder, too, that Tip O'Neill's adage about politics being local applies overseas as well. Two of the countries on his itinerary — Israel and Britain — are likely to see changes in government in the near future, so Obama made a point of meeting with leaders across the political spectrum. You could also see their domestic political concerns at work in how those foreign leaders approached Obama. Sarkozy, for example, has been under sharp criticism at home for his pro-American posture; it certainly didn't hurt him to be seen swooning over the only American politician whose motorcade through Paris would be met by thousands of cheering Frenchmen. When Obama went to Sderot, an Israeli town at the edge of Gaza that has been pounded for years by Palestinian rockets, he was accompanied by both Defense Minister Ehud Barak and Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, who may be rivals in a bid to succeed Prime Minister Ehud Olmert.

The final day of Obama's trip seemed to be a metaphorical stroll from Britain's past to its future. He had breakfast at his hotel with former Prime Minister Tony Blair, now a Middle East envoy for the international community. It was followed by a meeting with the embattled current one, the Labor Party's Gordon Brown. Obama then proceeded to one at the parliament building with the youthful and charismatic David Cameron, leader of the Conservative Party opposition. Also at 10 Downing Street while Obama was there: David Lammy, one of two black ministers in Brown's government, who has tried to style his own political career on Obama's.

It has not always been to a politician's advantage to be loved in Europe — just ask John "Looks French" Kerry. Republicans are hoping that Obama's trip will backfire with voters as an exercise in presumption. "This week the presidential contest was a long-distance affair, with my opponent touring various continents and arriving yesterday in Paris," McCain said in his weekly radio address. "With all the breathless coverage from abroad, and with Senator Obama now addressing his speeches to 'the people of the world,' I'm starting to feel a little left out. Maybe you are too."

But that kind of tack may not work as well as it did four years ago. In a June poll, the Pew Research Center 71% of respondents said the U.S. is less respected in the world than it used to be; for the first time since Pew began asking that question in 2004, a majority said they consider that a major problem.

In the longer run, Obama's greatest political gain from the trip may come from the respectful reception he has gotten from foreign leaders. Polls show that the biggest area where he consistently trails McCain is on the question of whether he would be a good commander-in-chief. The image that voters got this week was of a candidate who could stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the country's key allies.


McCain Charge Against Obama Lacks Evidence

By Michael D. Shear and Dan Balz
Washington Post Staff Writers
Wednesday, July 30, 2008; A01

For four days, Sen. John McCain and his allies have accused Sen. Barack Obama of snubbing wounded soldiers by canceling a visit to a military hospital because he could not take reporters with him, despite no evidence that the charge is true.

The attacks are part of a newly aggressive McCain operation whose aim is to portray the Democratic presidential candidate as a craven politician more interested in his image than in ailing soldiers, a senior McCain adviser said. They come despite repeated pledges by the Republican that he will never question his rival's patriotism.

The essence of McCain's allegation is that Obama planned to take a media entourage, including television cameras, to Landstuhl Regional Medical Center in Germany during his week-long foreign trip, and that he canceled the visit when he learned he could not do so. "I know that, according to reports, that he wanted to bring media people and cameras and his campaign staffers," McCain said Monday night on CNN's "Larry King Live."

The Obama campaign has denied that was the reason he called off the visit. In fact, there is no evidence that he planned to take anyone to the American hospital other than a military adviser, whose status as a campaign staff member sparked last-minute concern among Pentagon officials that the visit would be an improper political event.

"Absolutely, unequivocally wrong," Obama spokesman Tommy Vietor said in an e-mail after McCain's comments to Larry King.

Despite serious and repeated queries about the charge over several days, McCain and his allies continued yesterday to question Obama's patriotism by focusing attention on the canceled hospital visit.

McCain's campaign released a statement from retired Sgt. Maj. Craig Layton, who worked as a commander at the hospital, who said: "If Senator Obama isn't comfortable meeting wounded American troops without his entourage, perhaps he does not have the experience necessary to serve as commander in chief."

McCain's advisers said they do not intend to back down from the charge, believing it an effective way to create a "narrative" about what they say is Obama's indifference toward the military.

McCain spokesman Tucker Bounds said again yesterday that the Republican's version of events is correct, and that Obama canceled the visit because he was not allowed to take reporters and cameras into the hospital.

"It is safe to say that, according to press reports, Barack Obama avoided, skipped, canceled the visit because of those reasons," he said. "We're not making a leap here."

Asked repeatedly for the "reports," Bounds provided three examples, none of which alleged that Obama had wanted to take members of the media to the hospital.

The McCain campaign has produced a television commercial that says that while in Germany, Obama "made time to go to the gym but canceled a visit with wounded troops. Seems the Pentagon wouldn't allow him to bring cameras." The commercial shows Obama shooting a basketball -- an event that happened earlier in the trip on a stopover in Kuwait, where the Democrat spoke to troops in a gym before grabbing a ball and taking a single shot. The military released the video footage.

A reconstruction of the circumstances surrounding Obama's decision not to visit Landstuhl, based on firsthand reporting from the trip, shows that his campaign never contemplated taking the media with him.

The first indication reporters got that Obama was planning, or had planned, to visit the hospital came last Thursday morning, shortly after the entourage arrived in Berlin. On the seats of the media bus were schedules for his stop in Germany and the final entry -- a Friday-morning departure -- indicated that the senator's plane would fly from Berlin to Ramstein Air Base.

When a reporter asked spokeswoman Linda Douglass that morning about the trip to Ramstein, she said that the trip had been considered but that Obama was not going to go. At that point, the campaign provided no other information.

Later that night, after Obama gave a speech in Berlin, a campaign source spoke about the canceled stop on the condition of anonymity. The official said that the trip was canceled after the Pentagon informed a campaign official that the visit would be considered a campaign event.

Overnight, the Obama team issued two statements, one from senior campaign official Robert Gibbs and the other from retired Air Force Maj. Gen. J. Scott Gration, an Obama foreign policy adviser who was on the trip.

Gibbs's statement said the hospital visit, which had been on the internal schedule for several weeks, was canceled because Obama decided it would be inappropriate to go there as part of a trip paid for by his campaign. Gration said the Pentagon had told the campaign that the visit would be seen as a political trip.

Those two statements, while not inconsistent, did not clarify whether the visit was canceled in reaction to Pentagon concerns or because of worries about appearances. They also opened Obama's camp to charges that it was offering slightly different reasons at different times.

Gibbs said yesterday that the campaign had planned to inform the traveling media members sometime on the morning of the flight to Ramstein that Obama was intending to visit the hospital but had made no plans to take reporters, including even the small, protective press pool that now accompanies him most places.

Reporters, he said, probably would have been able to get off the plane but not leave an air base facility close by. "We had made absolutely no arrangements to transport the press to the hospital," he said.

On Friday afternoon, en route from Berlin to Paris, Gibbs briefed reporters traveling with Obama. He noted that the candidate had visited wounded soldiers several weeks earlier at Walter Reed Army Medical Center in the District and at a combat support hospital while in Iraq earlier in the week -- both times without reporters.

At one point, a reporter asked, "Why not just say it is never inappropriate to visit men and women in service?" -- a key McCain charge -- "What is your response to that?"

Gibbs replied: "It is entirely likely that someone would have attacked us for having gone. And it is entirely likely -- and it has come about -- that people have attacked us for not going."

On Saturday in London, Obama addressed the controversy during a news conference. He said Pentagon concerns about Gration's status triggered the decision not to visit Landstuhl.

"We got notice that [Gration] would be treated as a campaign person, and it would therefore be perceived as political because he had endorsed my candidacy but he wasn't on the Senate staff," Obama said. "That triggered then a concern that maybe our visit was going to be perceived as political, and the last thing that I want to do is have injured soldiers and the staff at these wonderful institutions having to sort through whether this is political or not, or get caught in the crossfire between campaigns."

Obama's explanation, which came after more than a day of controversy, was the clearest in noting that it was Pentagon concerns about Gration accompanying him to the hospital that forced Obama to reconsider and, ultimately, cancel the visit.

Gibbs was asked yesterday about the continuing allegations from McCain that the real reason was a desire to bring a media entourage to the hospital.

"That's completely untrue, and I think, honestly, they know it's untrue," Gibbs said.

Staff writer Juliet Eilperin contributed to this report.

House formally apologizes for slavery and Jim Crow


By JIM ABRAMS, Associated Press WriterTue Jul 29, 7:05 PM ET

The House on Tuesday issued an unprecedented apology to black Americans for the wrongs committed against them and their ancestors who suffered under slavery and Jim Crow segregation laws.

"Today represents a milestone in our nation's efforts to remedy the ills of our past," said Rep. Carolyn Cheeks Kilpatrick, D-Mich., chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus.

The resolution, passed by voice vote, was the work of Tennessee Democrat Steve Cohen, the only white lawmaker to represent a majority black district. Cohen faces a formidable black challenger in a primary face-off next week.

Congress has issued apologies before — to Japanese-Americans for their internment during World War II and to native Hawaiians for the overthrow of the Hawaiian kingdom in 1893. In 2005, the Senate apologized for failing to pass anti-lynching laws.

Five states have issued apologies for slavery, but past proposals in Congress have stalled, partly over concerns that an apology would lead to demands for reparations — payment for damages.

The Cohen resolution does not mention reparations. It does commit the House to rectifying "the lingering consequences of the misdeeds committed against African-Americans under slavery and Jim Crow."

It says that Africans forced into slavery "were brutalized, humiliated, dehumanized and subjected to the indignity of being stripped of their names and heritage" and that black Americans today continue to suffer from the consequences of slavery and Jim Crow laws that fostered discrimination and segregation.

The House "apologizes to African-Americans on behalf of the people of the United States, for the wrongs committed against them and their ancestors who suffered under slavery and Jim Crow."

"Slavery and Jim Crow are stains upon what is the greatest nation on the face of the earth," Cohen said. Part of forming a more perfect union, he said, "is such a resolution as we have before us today where we face up to our mistakes and apologize as anyone should apologize for things that were done in the past that were wrong."

Cohen became the first white to represent the 60 percent black district in Memphis in more than three decades when he captured a 2006 primary where a dozen black candidates split the vote. He has sought to reach out to his black constituents, and early in his term showed interest in joining the Congressional Black Caucus until learning that was against caucus rules.

Another of his first acts as a freshman congressman in early 2007 was to introduce the slavery apology resolution. His office said that the House resolution was brought to the floor only after learning that the Senate would be unable to join in a joint resolution.

More than a dozen of the 42 Congressional Black Caucus members in the House were original co-sponsors of the measure. The caucus has not endorsed either Cohen or his chief rival, attorney Nikki Tinker, in the Memphis primary, although Cohen is backed by several senior members, including Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers, D-Mich., and Ways and Means Committee Chairman Charles Rangel, D-N.Y. Tinker is the former campaign manager of Harold Ford, Jr., who held Cohen's seat until he stepped down in an unsuccessful run for the Senate in 2006.

___

The bill is H. Res. 194

On the Net:

Congress: http://thomas.loc.gov

Tuesday, July 29, 2008

Edwards, Clinton are Top Favorites -- and Top Unfavorites -- For Obama Veep Slot


rasmussenreports.comTue Jul 29, 8:50 AM ET

When it comes to whom voters like among Barack Obama's possible running mates, it's all about the also-rans.

A new Rasmussen Reports national survey finds that 56% have at least a somewhat favorable opinion of former North Carolina Senator John Edwards, including 21% who view him Very favorably. He slightly edges Senator Hillary Clinton, who is viewed at least somewhat favorably by 51%, with 27% characterizing their view of her as Very Favorable.

But both Edwards and Clinton, who ran against Obama for the Democratic presidential nomination, have high negatives, too, rivaling the numbers for those who hold them in highest regard. While only 35% view Edwards at least somewhat unfavorably, 20% say their opinion of him is Very Unfavorable. For Clinton, with 46% regarding her at least somewhat unfavorably, nearly three out of 10 voters (29%) say they think of her Very unfavorably.

Obama is not expected to name his choice until closer to the Democratic National Convention in late August. On NBC's "Meet the Press" yesterday, the only name he would acknowledge as being on his short list is Clinton's.

The high number of "not sure" responses in the new survey indicates that voters are not even aware of many of the Democratic vice presidential possibilities. Sixty-one percent (61%), for example, are not sure how they feel about Kansas Governor Kathleen Sebelius, who is often mentioned as a dark horse candidate for vice president. Fifty-one percent (51%) say the same about Senator Jim Webb of Virginia, a Vietnam War Marine veteran who is highly regarded by many in the party, but Webb already has said he is not interested in being Obama's running mate. By contrast, only 2% say they are not sure what they think about Clinton.

Politically speaking, vice presidential candidates add little to a ticket overall and are seen as more valuable in targeting a set group of voters or a section of the country. Clinton was initially viewed as a valuable addition to the Democratic ticket because of her attractiveness to women voters, but women are already moving toward Obama's candidacy more than men at this juncture.

Fifty-one percent of voters said Obama should pick Clinton as his running mate in a survey in early June, right after he wrapped up the nomination. In another survey later that month, only 37% thought Clinton wanted to Obama to win but 44% thought she should be on the ticket with him.

In the latest poll, another Obama rival in the Democratic primaries, Senator Joseph Biden of Delaware, is viewed at least somewhat favorably by 35% and somewhat unfavorably by nearly as many (34%).

Senator Evan Bayh of Indiana has higher unfavorables than favorables, with 30% viewing him at least somewhat unfavorably while 21% view him at least somewhat favorably. Senator Chuck Hagel of Nebraska, who toured Afghanistan and Iraq with Obama last week and is the one Republican who is considered a possible Democratic vice presidential nominee, has a similar problem – with 30% regarding him at least somewhat unfavorably but only 24% seeing him in a favorable light.

For Democrats specifically, again those with the highest visibility have the highest ratings. Clinton is the leader, with 46% regarding her Very favorably. Edwards is next with 38% saying they have a Very Favorable view of him. Twenty-one percent (21%) feel that way about Biden.

By comparison, 21% of Democrats view Virginia Governor Tim Kaine at least somewhat favorably, but only 4% regard him Very favorably. Fifty-four percent (54%) of Democrats are unsure what they think of Kaine.

In the Rasmussen Reports vice presidential markets at the time of this survey, Bayh is favored by 33.9%, with Kaine at 18.2%, Biden at 15% and Sebelius at 13.3%. Clinton is near the bottom at 3.9%, and no one is trading in Edwards. These figures are from a prediction market, not a poll and are updated on a 24/7 basis. Current expectations for leading candidates is available HERE.

This national survey of 1,000 Likely Voters was conducted by Rasmussen Reports from each night from July 25-27, 2008. The margin of sampling error for each survey is +/- 3 percentage points with a 95% level of confidence.

Rasmussen Reports is an electronic publishing firm specializing in the collection, publication, and distribution of public opinion polling information.

Can Obama Run the Offense?

July 29, 2008
Op-Ed Columnist


Let’s see if I’ve got this straight. Barack Obama is a United States senator, a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and his party’s candidate for president of the United States — and yet it was somehow presumptuous of him to meet with foreign leaders last week during his trip to the Middle East and Europe.

I’ll say this about Senator Obama. He sure raises people’s hackles. I’ve never seen anyone so roundly criticized for such grievous offenses as giving excellent speeches and urging people of different backgrounds to take a chance on working together. How dare he? And 200,000 people turned out to hear him in Berlin. Unforgivable.

The man has been taken to task for promoting hope, threatened with mutilation by Jesse Jackson for suggesting that a lot of black fathers could do better by their kids and had his patriotism called into question because he wants to wind down a war that most Americans would dearly love to be rid of.

John McCain can barely stop himself from sputtering at the mere mention of Senator Obama’s name. He actually ran an ad blaming Mr. Obama for high gasoline prices. Even Republicans had a good laugh at that one.

And yet Mr. Obama continues to treat Senator McCain respectfully. As far as personal character is concerned, Mr. Obama has scored very well, indeed.

What remains to be seen, now that the overseas tour is over, is whether Team Obama can play offense here at home and pile up enough points to win this election. Mr. McCain has been a surprisingly inept candidate (riding on a golf cart with Poppy Bush was almost as deadly an image as the helmeted Mike Dukakis bouncing around in a tank), but he has stayed within striking distance.

And you can’t trust any of the polls this year. I was in New Hampshire when the polls and the pundits said Mr. Obama was a lock to win that primary. He lost. And I was in California on Super Tuesday when the polls said he was closing fast. He wasn’t.

So this is not your ordinary election. Senator Obama will have to turn people on big-time just to win by a little. And for all the tedious talk about timelines and what the surge in Iraq has or has not accomplished, the top three issues in this campaign are still the economy, the economy and the economy.

Americans are losing jobs, losing the equity in their homes, losing their retirement nest eggs, and tragically, in increasing numbers, actually losing the family home itself. This is the issue on which the Obama people should long since have pounced.

A recent survey found that an overwhelming majority of Americans believe that the social contract of the 20th century — in which the government, employers and the society as a whole pulled together to see that those who worked hard and played by the rules were afforded the basic necessities of daily life and a shot at the American dream — “appears to be unraveling.”

Nearly 80 percent of those who responded to the survey, conducted for the Rockefeller Foundation and Time magazine, said they are facing greater financial risks now than in the past.

This anxiety is pervasive, and it was clearly evident a little more than two weeks ago when Phil Gramm, then John McCain’s key economic adviser, callously remarked that we were suffering from a “mental recession” and that the U.S. had become “a nation of whiners.”

The Obama crowd should have instantly seen the Gramm gaffe for what it was, a gift from the political gods. They should have run with it. I would have dragged out that old Maxine Brown song with the lyric: “Maybe it’s all in my mind.”

The Democrats could have had some fun and made political hay, using the Gramm comments to highlight what has happened to working people under Republican rule. But the Obama folks let the matter drop, and instead of an endless loop of “mental recession,” what we’ve heard incessantly over the past couple of weeks has been Mr. McCain pounding on Mr. Obama about the surge.

The word is that an economic offensive may finally be coming from the Obama campaign.

Anna Burger, the secretary-treasurer of the Service Employees International Union, was part of a wide-ranging group of advisers on economic issues who met with Mr. Obama in Washington on Monday. “He has very serious policies, not sound bites, for addressing the long-term and short-term issues that are having such a dramatic effect on people who are working and trying to make ends meet,” she said.

Translating those ideas into a compelling economic narrative for his campaign — something Mr. Obama has not yet done — is the key to defeating John McCain.

Kaine in 'Serious' Talks With Obama

By Michael D. Shear and Shailagh Murray
Washington Post Staff Writers
Tuesday, July 29, 2008; A01

Sen. James Webb (D-Va.) applauds as Virginia Gov. Timothy M. Kaine greets Sen. Barack Obama at a campaign rally last month at Nissan Pavilion in Bristow, Va. Obama became friends with Kaine, with whom he shares Kansas roots, on the gubernatorial campaign trail in 2005. Sen. James Webb (D-Va.) applauds as Virginia Gov. Timothy M. Kaine greets Sen. Barack Obama at a campaign rally last month at Nissan Pavilion in Bristow, Va. Obama became friends with Kaine, with whom he shares Kansas roots, on the gubernatorial campaign trail in 2005.

Virginia Gov. Timothy M. Kaine has told close associates that he has had "very serious" conversations with Sen. Barack Obama about joining the Democratic presidential ticket and has provided documents to the campaign as it combs through his background, according to several sources close to Kaine.

Sens. Evan Bayh (Ind.) and Joseph R. Biden Jr. (Del.) are also being seriously vetted by the campaign staff, according to sources with knowledge of the process.

Obama has revealed little about which way he is leaning. And despite rising anticipation that a decision is imminent, campaign officials said an announcement is likely in mid-August, shortly before the Democratic National Convention. Obama's top aides, David Plouffe and David Axelrod, huddled yesterday in the Washington office of Eric Holder, who along with Caroline Kennedy is vetting potential running mates.

Although rumors have circulated about former military leaders and other nontraditional contenders, including Republicans, Obama's pool of prospects is heavy on longtime senators with foreign policy experience. Kaine and Kansas Gov. Kathleen Sebelius are the only state leaders believed to be under serious consideration, sources close to Obama said.

Democrats who have discussed possible choices with campaign officials and have knowledge of the vetting process said others being considered include Sens. Christopher J. Dodd (Conn.) and Hillary Rodham Clinton (N.Y.) and former senator Sam Nunn (Ga.). Republican Sen. Chuck Hagel (Neb.) and Democratic Sen. Jack Reed (R.I.) are mentioned as long shots.

Aides to Kaine declined to comment about the possibility that Obama might pick him, referring all questions to the senator's campaign. "The governor has been pretty clear from the beginning, when Senator Obama asked him to be a national co-chair, that any conversation he has with the campaign, on any topic, are conversations that he is keeping private," said Delacey Skinner, Kaine's spokeswoman.

But several people who have spoken to Kaine said he has talked about the seriousness of the possibility. Each spoke on the condition of anonymity, citing the campaign's desire to keep the process secret. One said Kaine has stressed that there are other top candidates but described his discussions with the campaign as "very serious."

Two other associates said Kaine's staff is providing the background information necessary to allow the campaign to search for potential political land mines. One source said Kaine chief counsel Larry Roberts is coordinating with Obama's team. Roberts could not be reached for comment. Kaine will be in Washington today for his monthly interview on WTOP Radio.

Kaine and Obama became friends after they campaigned together during Kaine's 2005 gubernatorial race. Kaine, who like Obama has Kansas roots, has returned the favor, stumping nationwide for the senator from Illinois during the primaries. In recent weeks, Kaine and his staff have been in frequent contact with Obama and his campaign about strategy and operations in Virginia and elsewhere. The governor has said he plans to attend the Democratic convention in Denver with his wife and children.

Picking Kaine would seem to satisfy many considerations Obama has recently laid out. During an interview with Tom Brokaw on NBC's "Meet the Press" on Sunday, the presumptive Democratic nominee said he was looking for someone who shares his desire to change Washington politics.

Kaine, a former Richmond mayor, would bring outside-the-Beltway credentials to the campaign. The relationship the two share would seem to fit with Obama's desire, as he said, for someone "with independence -- who's willing to tell me where he thinks, or she thinks, I'm wrong." And the governor probably would bolster Obama in Virginia, where the campaign is making an all-out push.

But Kaine has no foreign policy background, and as a first-term governor, he may add to voters' concerns about Obama's experience. Kaine remains popular in Virginia, but he has had trouble dealing with Republicans and has no single defining achievement to point to on the campaign trail.

In 2005, the major issue Republicans took aim at was his opposition to the death penalty, but since becoming governor, Kaine has declined to stop several executions.

In interviews, Obama has hinted that experience would factor into his decision on a running mate.

"I want somebody who I'm compatible with, who I can work with, who has a shared vision, who certainly complements me, in the sense that they provide a knowledge base or an area of expertise that can be useful. Because we're going to have a lot of problems and a lot of work to do," he said Sunday. "I want somebody who's going to be able to roll up their sleeves and really do some work."

Speaking to Brokaw, he reiterated that Clinton "would be on anybody's short list." Yet few people close to the Obama campaign think she is a serious contender.

Biden, whose own presidential bid ended in January, could help to balance Obama's shortcomings. He is one of his party's most prominent foreign policy voices, fluent in issues as varied as Iraq and narcotics trafficking. Elected in 1972, he also has deep ties to the Democratic establishment. With his blue-collar Scranton, Pa., roots, Biden could prove a valued surrogate in key Midwestern swing states.

But the outspoken Biden also is known for the occasional verbal gaffe, and his long tenure in Washington could muddle Obama's call for change.

Democratic observers say the safest bet may be Bayh, a former governor from a Republican state who is known for his centrist views. Obama supporters who are pressing for Bayh say that he would stir no controversy, nor would he overshadow the nominee, as an elder statesman like Biden might. Obama supporters who oppose Bayh counter that he is too conventional and too much of a Washington insider.

Reed, a military expert, is viewed as a lower-profile version of Biden who could take on a substantial national security portfolio. Like Kaine, Sebelius, Dodd and Biden, Reed also is a Roman Catholic, and his roots are humble -- his father was a school custodian.

Reed brushed aside speculation that was stirred last week when he accompanied Obama to Iraq and Afghanistan. "I am interested in serving in the United States Senate, and that interest trumps any consideration of serving as a vice president," he told the Providence Journal.

As a decision approaches, speculation about Obama's choices has intensified.

Speaking on "Fox News Sunday," the Weekly Standard's William Kristol said he thinks Obama has already decided on Kaine.

Obama is "in Washington on Tuesday, two days from now. He'll have a secret meeting with Tim Kaine -- this is my theory -- they'll work it all out," Kristol said. "And then on Monday, next Monday, August 4th, 11 a.m. in Richmond, Obama and Tim Kaine, and that will be an attractive young ticket. . . . I'm way out there on a limb here."

Staff writer Tim Craig contributed to this report.

Morehouse student wins HBCU student contest

Monday, July 28, 2008

NICOLAS SARKOZY ET SON COPAIN BARACK OBAMA L'AFRICAIN


http://www.professionpolitique.info/files/afp/CPS.HWQ33.250708200558.photo01.quicklook.default-245x164.jpg
Obama"? C'est mon copain"....."Contrairement à mes conseillers de la cellule diplomatique, je n'ai jamais cru dans les chances d'Hillary Clinton. "J'ai toujours cru qu'Obama serait désigné", a déclaré sans rire Nicolas Sarkozy au Figaro. Et de poursuivre, après la brève rencontre avec son "ami" : " Si c'est lui" qui est élu président des Etats-Unis, "la France sera très heureuse".
Décidément, le ridicule ne tue pas, c'est ce que prouve, s'il en était besoin, le mari de Carla B. Nicolas Sarkozy frappé du syndrome Obama, le candidat NOIR !!!!!!!! ? Qui l'eût cru ? Il faut se pincer pour le croire. Cette énième récupération politique ne trompera que les naïfs, d'autant plus que Henri Guaino, la plume de l'Elysée, souffle sur les braises de l'incendie de Dakar. Qu'est-il donc arrivé à l'homme au discours scandaleux de Dakar, 26 juillet 2007, à l'initiateur du "ministère de l'identité nationale", au chasseur des "sans papiers", au père des tests génétiques anti-NOIR ?
Nicolas Sarkozy fait du Sarkozy, c'est à dire de l'opportunisme à 1000%. Plus opportuniste que jamais, soucieux de tourner dans le sens du vent, le locataire de l'Elysée va jusqu'à se vanter d'être "le seul Français" à connaître Barack Obama, qu'il aurait rencontré en septembre 2006 à Washington alors qu'il était ministre de l'Intérieur.Comme disait Michel Audiard: "un con ça ose tout, c'est à ça qu'on le reconnaît". C'est bien ce que démontre le "nouvel ami" du candidat démocrate, qui ne recule jamais devant rien pour se mettre en scène, quitte à se couvrir de ridicule. Cela appelle quelques remarques.

Si Nicolas Sarkozy se proclame subitement le "meilleur ami" du candidat démocrate, c'est pour justifier, en cas de victoire de Barack Obama à la présidentielle en novembre prochain, son atlantisme débridé. Qui peut oublier l'alignement diplomatique sur la politique va t-en guerre de l'administration Bush? Qui n'a pas eu envie de vomir en voyant le "président de l'Elysée" s'empresser de faire des courbettes à Bush, soit en renforçant le dispositif militaire français en Afghanistan, soit en dénonçant la position française pendant la crise irakienne?

Si Nicolas Sarkozy s'affiche avec le candidat démocrate, que l'on situe à "gauche" sur l'échiquier politique étatsunien, c'est surtout pour adoucir son image très dégradée auprès d'un électorat jeune, dans les "banlieues" et dans les couches dites populaires. Il n'y a donc que des avantages à se faire passer pour "l'ami" de Barack Obama. Cette posture pathétique est également un calcul politique visant à rajouter à la confusion dans laquelle baigne la gauche socialiste et ses multiples félons.

http://s.tf1.fr/mmdia/i/33/3/john-mccain-sur-perron-elysee-nicolas-sarkozy-mars-2494333_1378.jpg
Enfin, il est toujours bon de rappeler, histoire d'éviter que certains ne tombent dans le nouveau tour de magie du prestidigitateur de l'UMP, que le locataire de l'Elysée est bien un néoconservateur à passeport français, comme l'avait qualifié un certain Eric Besson, qui a depuis retourné sa veste. Faut-il rappeler que Sarkozy a déjà reçu deux fois, en juillet 2007, puis en mars dernier, John McCain? N'était-ce pas pour parler également des convergences, par exemple, au sujet de l'Iran et d'Israël ? Comme quoi, les points communs, n'en déplaise aux propagandistes des médias, il y en a surtout entre le candidat républicain et Nicolas Sarkozy, le chef de file des néoconservateurs en France. S'il fallait trouver quelques convergences entre Obama et Sarkozy ( sans rire !), il faudrait plutôt chercher au niveau de leur ressemblance physique........., sachant que l'un a de l'allure, de la classe et un port altier, tandis que l'autre est plus proche du bitume, marche les pieds en canard et porte des talonnettes pour se grandir. C'est dire s'il n'y a rien qui rapproche le sénateur de l'Illinois à l'homme qui rêvait d'être le Kennedy Français.

A2N

Bush salue Carla Sarkozy Bruni


http://www.alert2neg.com/article-21549844.html

For Obama, Hurdles in Expanding Black Vote

By Alec MacGillis and Jennifer Agiesta
Washington Post Staff Writers
Monday, July 28, 2008; A01

MACON, Ga. -- Amanda Bass, a volunteer for Sen. Barack Obama's presidential campaign, had already tried once to get Wilmer Gray to register to vote. But when she glimpsed him in a black T-shirt and White Sox cap again on a recent weekday at the main bus stop here, she was determined to give it another try.

This time, Gray, 21, agreed -- but his bus pulled up before he could fill out the form. Bass jumped onboard and persuaded the driver to wait.

"He was someone I'd worked hard to get," said Bass, 19. "I couldn't let him go, not after seeing how far he'd come."

At the heart of the Obama campaign's strategy is a national effort to increase registration and turnout among the millions of Democratic-inclined Americans who have not been voting, particularly younger people and African Americans. The push began during the primaries but expanded this month to a nationwide registration drive led by 3,000 volunteers dispatched around the country.

Gaining greater African American support could well put Obama over the top in states where Democrats have come close in the past two elections, and could also help him retain the big swing states of Pennsylvania and Michigan.

If 95 percent of black voters support Obama in November, in line with a recent Washington Post-ABC News national poll, he can win Florida if he increases black turnout by 23 percent over 2004, assuming he performs at the same levels that Democratic candidate John F. Kerry did with other voters that year.

Obama can win Nevada if he increases black turnout by 8 percent. Ohio was so close in 2004 that if Obama wins 95 percent of the black vote, more than Kerry did, he will win the state without a single extra voter. But an increase in overall black turnout could help offset a poorer performance among other voters.

The push has also raised Democrats' hopes of reclaiming Southern states with large black populations, such as Georgia and North Carolina, where low turnout among voters of all races has left much more untapped potential than in traditionally competitive states such as Ohio. Obama, who himself led a huge voter-registration drive in Chicago in 1992, has said he could compete in states such as Mississippi by increasing black turnout by 30 percent.

A Post analysis suggests it will take more than that to win across the South. If Obama matches Kerry's performance among white voters and increases Democrats' share of black voters to 95 percent, he will still need to increase black turnout in Georgia by 64 percent and in Mississippi by 51 percent to win. Virginia and North Carolina would be in closer reach, requiring increases of 30 and 36 percent, respectively.

The drive is unprecedented in scale and exemplifies Obama's call for government that works "from the bottom up." But as Bass's efforts in Georgia show, the undertaking is laden with challenges, raising questions about the kind of return the campaign will get on its big investment of manpower.

Black turnout overall does not lag behind the national average by much, and Obama's rise already inspired many blacks to get involved for the first time during the primaries.

That means that in seeking to further drive up black turnout, the campaign is in many places reaching out to a disconnected segment of the population that long ago gave up hope in politics.

For many of these disengaged people, racial solidarity with Obama does not automatically trump apathy or despair. Even if volunteers manage to get them registered, it will require intensive follow-up to make sure they know where to vote, have the necessary identification and then turn out.

So as Bass, a black Amherst College sophomore from the Chicago suburbs, worked in 93-degree heat to canvass the bus stop in Macon -- which sits in front of a defunct railroad station that still has the words "Colored Waiting Room" etched above an archway -- she had to deploy a full range of tools. She linked the election to local issues such as rising bus fares. She chatted up people even after they said no, hoping to establish a connection for later. She deftly turned the flirtations of young men back to the task at hand.

Latasha Edwards, 20, a college student in lime flip-flops, flatly said that her vote would not make a difference. "There are a million other people on Earth," she said.

But Bass won her over by stressing an inequity in Macon that she said Obama will address: the gap in quality between public schools and the private schools where many white families send their children.

Lorrie Miller, 25, a mother of four who works in the mailroom of the local newspaper, was mostly uninformed about voting, saying she had last voted in the seventh grade, confusing a mock election held in school with the real thing.

Several others averted Bass's gaze, gave her a cold stare when she approached or signaled with a curt "I can't vote" that they are felons, who under Georgia law are not allowed to cast ballots. Bass reminded them that they can register after they finish probation.

She asked Dontrell Rozier, 20, who signed up the week before, how his efforts to register his friends were going. Not well. "Most of my people believe their votes don't count," he said, citing the 2000 election recount in Florida.

Bass's last sign-up of the afternoon was Anthony Harris, 40, a beer deliveryman who said he has never voted because "I'm a religious type. My god can make a positive change for mankind, but I've never seen a politician make a positive change. There's still starvation; there's still war." It took five minutes before he relented.

In three hours, Bass collected 20 registrations -- a good haul. After a month, she and two other volunteers have collected more than 700.

In the area around Macon, an estimated 40,000 African Americans are eligible to vote but are not on the rolls, out of about 600,000 black people in the state who are eligible but unregistered. The campaign's goal is to sign up at least 4,000 in Macon.

With months to go before the Oct. 6 registration deadline, there was an increase of 367 black registered voters in Macon's congressional district in June, compared with 24 white voters. Statewide, the rate of registered African American voters is 28.1 percent, up from 27.2 percent in January.

Bass is aware of the hurdles ahead in turning the registrations into votes, though the campaign has signed up 300 Macon volunteers to assist with that. "It's a monumental challenge," she said. "You see how mentally shackled and jaded people are, because they've seen politicians let them down in the past."

Many political scientists contend that, with exceptions in Virginia and Florida, the Democrats' deficit in the South is too big for Obama to overcome even with a huge increase in black turnout, unless he can also improve on the performance of past Democrats among white Southerners. While Obama is likely to do well among younger whites, they say, the prospect of a surge in black turnout may stoke higher turnout among whites for Sen. John McCain, his Republican rival.

Thomas F. Schaller, a political scientist at the University of Maryland Baltimore County, said that it makes sense for Obama to invest some of his considerable resources in the South to force McCain to defend it, but that he sees little hope of victories there. "There's going to be a record number of African Americans turning out," he said. "But the question is whether it will make any difference in these states where Republicans have been winning by double-digit margins."

Steve Hildebrand, Obama's deputy campaign manager, rejects this analysis, saying the political climate is so changed since 2004 that past results are not relevant. At the least, Obama's voter drive will help Democratic candidates down the ballot, now and in the future. And Hildebrand dismissed the prospect of a white counterreaction to an increase in black voters.

But Rep. Jim Marshall, a conservative Democrat whose district includes Macon, appears less confident. He has declined to endorse Obama, and his chief of staff, John Kirincich, was skittish about discussing the benefits that the candidate's push to turn out more black voters would hold for Marshall, who barely won reelection in 2006 and faces another challenge.

Marshall "is not really interested in commenting on the presidential race. It's not his ballgame," Kirincich said. Pressed, he said: "We will accept more people voting for him from [wherever] they come."

Whatever the broader ramifications, they seem distant on the ground. In Columbus, 90 miles west of Macon, several volunteers were recently canvassing a housing project that looks across the Chattahoochee River at Alabama.

Nikasha Wells, 28, a Florida lawyer who took a leave to volunteer, was glad to meet Linda Cross, who was not only registered but also willing to make calls for Obama. Cross, 49, a Wal-Mart employee, said she always votes because of her family's ties to the civil rights movement -- marchers had camped on their land near Selma, Ala.

But next door, Renea Thomas, 27, a janitor and mother of four, was puzzled when Wells asked her to register to vote. "To who?" she said. She has never voted. "I just never thought about it," she said.

Agiesta reported from Washington.

Obama on Afghanistan, Pakistan

Obama on Afghanistan, Pakistan

July 27: Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama discusses the future of the conflict in Afghanistan and the security situation in Pakistan with NBC's Tom Brokaw on "Meet the Press."

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21134540/vp/25872527#25872527

Obama on the Iraqi surge



Obama on the Iraqi surge

July 27: Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama discusses the surge in Iraq and the realities of the war with NBC's Tom Brokaw on "Meet the Press."

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21134540/vp/25872500#25872500

Obama to 'examine' economic policies

Obama to 'examine' economic policies



Obama to 'examine' economic policies
July 27: Announcing a meeting on Monday between himself and his "core economic advisors," with the intention of examining fiscal policies they've put forward, Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama discusses the state of the economy and his economic policies with NBC's Tom Brokaw of "Meet the Press."

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21134540/vp/25872613#25872613

Obama remains mum on a running mate

Obama remains mum on a running mate



July 27: Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama discusses what he's looking for in a running mate with NBC's Tom Brokaw of "Meet the Press."

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21134540/vp/25872602#25872602

Obama: Berlin speech 'wasn't high-flying rhetoric'

Obama: Berlin speech 'wasn't high-flying rhetoric'



July 27: Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama discusses the various reactions to his Berlin speech with NBC's Tom Brokaw of "Meet the Press."

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21134540/vp/25872552#25872552

Sunday, July 27, 2008

Obama in London

Obama in London



July 26: On the final leg of his tour abroad Senator Barack Obama met with UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown and spoke with the press afterwards.

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21134540/vp/25861917#25861917

Friday, July 25, 2008

REAL FRIENDSHIP

'The next president's not going to get too much sleep'



'The next president's not going to get too much sleep'

July 24: NBC's Brian Williams talks with Sen. Barack Obama immediately following his speech in Berlin.

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21134540/vp/25840263#25840263

Obama: 'Citizen of the world'

Obama: 'Citizen of the world'

July 24: Barack Obama spoke in front of more than 200,000 people in Berlin, Germany, calling himself a "citizen of the world," and the McCain camp isn't happy about it. Dan Abrams discusses with political commentator Ron Reagan, The Hill's A.B. Stoddard and MSNBC political analyst Joe Watkins.

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21134540/vp/25841310#25841310

One-on-one with Barack Obama



One-on-one with Barack Obama

July 24: In an interview with NBC's Brian Williams in Berlin, Sen. Barack Obama said his trip to Iraq has sent a message that his judgements as president will make Americans safer.

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21134540/vp/25837578#25837578

"A World That Stands as One" BARACK 'S SPEECH IN BERLIN

"A World That Stands as One"

As Prepared For Delivery
Berlin, Germany
July 24th, 2008

Thank you to the citizens of Berlin and to the people of Germany. Let me thank Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier for welcoming me earlier today. Thank you Mayor Wowereit, the Berlin Senate, the police, and most of all thank you for this welcome.

I come to Berlin as so many of my countrymen have come before. Tonight, I speak to you not as a candidate for President, but as a citizen – a proud citizen of the United States, and a fellow citizen of the world.

I know that I don’t look like the Americans who’ve previously spoken in this great city. The journey that led me here is improbable. My mother was born in the heartland of America, but my father grew up herding goats in Kenya. His father – my grandfather – was a cook, a domestic servant to the British.

At the height of the Cold War, my father decided, like so many others in the forgotten corners of the world, that his yearning – his dream – required the freedom and opportunity promised by the West. And so he wrote letter after letter to universities all across America until somebody, somewhere answered his prayer for a better life.

That is why I’m here. And you are here because you too know that yearning. This city, of all cities, knows the dream of freedom. And you know that the only reason we stand here tonight is because men and women from both of our nations came together to work, and struggle, and sacrifice for that better life.

Ours is a partnership that truly began sixty years ago this summer, on the day when the first American plane touched down at Templehof.

On that day, much of this continent still lay in ruin. The rubble of this city had yet to be built into a wall. The Soviet shadow had swept across Eastern Europe, while in the West, America, Britain, and France took stock of their losses, and pondered how the world might be remade.

This is where the two sides met. And on the twenty-fourth of June, 1948, the Communists chose to blockade the western part of the city. They cut off food and supplies to more than two million Germans in an effort to extinguish the last flame of freedom in Berlin.

The size of our forces was no match for the much larger Soviet Army. And yet retreat would have allowed Communism to march across Europe. Where the last war had ended, another World War could have easily begun. All that stood in the way was Berlin.

And that’s when the airlift began – when the largest and most unlikely rescue in history brought food and hope to the people of this city.

The odds were stacked against success. In the winter, a heavy fog filled the sky above, and many planes were forced to turn back without dropping off the needed supplies. The streets where we stand were filled with hungry families who had no comfort from the cold.

But in the darkest hours, the people of Berlin kept the flame of hope burning. The people of Berlin refused to give up. And on one fall day, hundreds of thousands of Berliners came here, to the Tiergarten, and heard the city’s mayor implore the world not to give up on freedom. “There is only one possibility,” he said. “For us to stand together united until this battle is won…The people of Berlin have spoken. We have done our duty, and we will keep on doing our duty. People of the world: now do your duty…People of the world, look at Berlin!”

People of the world – look at Berlin!

Look at Berlin, where Germans and Americans learned to work together and trust each other less than three years after facing each other on the field of battle.

Look at Berlin, where the determination of a people met the generosity of the Marshall Plan and created a German miracle; where a victory over tyranny gave rise to NATO, the greatest alliance ever formed to defend our common security.

Look at Berlin, where the bullet holes in the buildings and the somber stones and pillars near the Brandenburg Gate insist that we never forget our common humanity.

People of the world – look at Berlin, where a wall came down, a continent came together, and history proved that there is no challenge too great for a world that stands as one.

Sixty years after the airlift, we are called upon again. History has led us to a new crossroad, with new promise and new peril. When you, the German people, tore down that wall – a wall that divided East and West; freedom and tyranny; fear and hope – walls came tumbling down around the world. From Kiev to Cape Town, prison camps were closed, and the doors of democracy were opened. Markets opened too, and the spread of information and technology reduced barriers to opportunity and prosperity. While the 20th century taught us that we share a common destiny, the 21st has revealed a world more intertwined than at any time in human history.

The fall of the Berlin Wall brought new hope. But that very closeness has given rise to new dangers – dangers that cannot be contained within the borders of a country or by the distance of an ocean.

The terrorists of September 11th plotted in Hamburg and trained in Kandahar and Karachi before killing thousands from all over the globe on American soil.

As we speak, cars in Boston and factories in Beijing are melting the ice caps in the Arctic, shrinking coastlines in the Atlantic, and bringing drought to farms from Kansas to Kenya.

Poorly secured nuclear material in the former Soviet Union, or secrets from a scientist in Pakistan could help build a bomb that detonates in Paris. The poppies in Afghanistan become the heroin in Berlin. The poverty and violence in Somalia breeds the terror of tomorrow. The genocide in Darfur shames the conscience of us all.

In this new world, such dangerous currents have swept along faster than our efforts to contain them. That is why we cannot afford to be divided. No one nation, no matter how large or powerful, can defeat such challenges alone. None of us can deny these threats, or escape responsibility in meeting them. Yet, in the absence of Soviet tanks and a terrible wall, it has become easy to forget this truth. And if we’re honest with each other, we know that sometimes, on both sides of the Atlantic, we have drifted apart, and forgotten our shared destiny.

In Europe, the view that America is part of what has gone wrong in our world, rather than a force to help make it right, has become all too common. In America, there are voices that deride and deny the importance of Europe’s role in our security and our future. Both views miss the truth – that Europeans today are bearing new burdens and taking more responsibility in critical parts of the world; and that just as American bases built in the last century still help to defend the security of this continent, so does our country still sacrifice greatly for freedom around the globe.

Yes, there have been differences between America and Europe. No doubt, there will be differences in the future. But the burdens of global citizenship continue to bind us together. A change of leadership in Washington will not lift this burden. In this new century, Americans and Europeans alike will be required to do more – not less. Partnership and cooperation among nations is not a choice; it is the one way, the only way, to protect our common security and advance our common humanity.

That is why the greatest danger of all is to allow new walls to divide us from one another. The walls between old allies on either side of the Atlantic cannot stand. The walls between the countries with the most and those with the least cannot stand. The walls between races and tribes; natives and immigrants; Christian and Muslim and Jew cannot stand. These now are the walls we must tear down.

We know they have fallen before. After centuries of strife, the people of Europe have formed a Union of promise and prosperity. Here, at the base of a column built to mark victory in war, we meet in the center of a Europe at peace. Not only have walls come down in Berlin, but they have come down in Belfast, where Protestant and Catholic found a way to live together; in the Balkans, where our Atlantic alliance ended wars and brought savage war criminals to justice; and in South Africa, where the struggle of a courageous people defeated apartheid.

So history reminds us that walls can be torn down. But the task is never easy. True partnership and true progress requires constant work and sustained sacrifice. They require sharing the burdens of development and diplomacy; of progress and peace. They require allies who will listen to each other, learn from each other and, most of all, trust each other.

That is why America cannot turn inward. That is why Europe cannot turn inward. America has no better partner than Europe. Now is the time to build new bridges across the globe as strong as the one that bound us across the Atlantic. Now is the time to join together, through constant cooperation, strong institutions, shared sacrifice, and a global commitment to progress, to meet the challenges of the 21st century. It was this spirit that led airlift planes to appear in the sky above our heads, and people to assemble where we stand today. And this is the moment when our nations – and all nations – must summon that spirit anew.

This is the moment when we must defeat terror and dry up the well of extremism that supports it. This threat is real and we cannot shrink from our responsibility to combat it. If we could create NATO to face down the Soviet Union, we can join in a new and global partnership to dismantle the networks that have struck in Madrid and Amman; in London and Bali; in Washington and New York. If we could win a battle of ideas against the communists, we can stand with the vast majority of Muslims who reject the extremism that leads to hate instead of hope.

This is the moment when we must renew our resolve to rout the terrorists who threaten our security in Afghanistan, and the traffickers who sell drugs on your streets. No one welcomes war. I recognize the enormous difficulties in Afghanistan. But my country and yours have a stake in seeing that NATO’s first mission beyond Europe’s borders is a success. For the people of Afghanistan, and for our shared security, the work must be done. America cannot do this alone. The Afghan people need our troops and your troops; our support and your support to defeat the Taliban and al Qaeda, to develop their economy, and to help them rebuild their nation. We have too much at stake to turn back now.

This is the moment when we must renew the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. The two superpowers that faced each other across the wall of this city came too close too often to destroying all we have built and all that we love. With that wall gone, we need not stand idly by and watch the further spread of the deadly atom. It is time to secure all loose nuclear materials; to stop the spread of nuclear weapons; and to reduce the arsenals from another era. This is the moment to begin the work of seeking the peace of a world without nuclear weapons.

This is the moment when every nation in Europe must have the chance to choose its own tomorrow free from the shadows of yesterday. In this century, we need a strong European Union that deepens the security and prosperity of this continent, while extending a hand abroad. In this century – in this city of all cities – we must reject the Cold War mind-set of the past, and resolve to work with Russia when we can, to stand up for our values when we must, and to seek a partnership that extends across this entire continent.

This is the moment when we must build on the wealth that open markets have created, and share its benefits more equitably. Trade has been a cornerstone of our growth and global development. But we will not be able to sustain this growth if it favors the few, and not the many. Together, we must forge trade that truly rewards the work that creates wealth, with meaningful protections for our people and our planet. This is the moment for trade that is free and fair for all.

This is the moment we must help answer the call for a new dawn in the Middle East. My country must stand with yours and with Europe in sending a direct message to Iran that it must abandon its nuclear ambitions. We must support the Lebanese who have marched and bled for democracy, and the Israelis and Palestinians who seek a secure and lasting peace. And despite past differences, this is the moment when the world should support the millions of Iraqis who seek to rebuild their lives, even as we pass responsibility to the Iraqi government and finally bring this war to a close.

This is the moment when we must come together to save this planet. Let us resolve that we will not leave our children a world where the oceans rise and famine spreads and terrible storms devastate our lands. Let us resolve that all nations – including my own – will act with the same seriousness of purpose as has your nation, and reduce the carbon we send into our atmosphere. This is the moment to give our children back their future. This is the moment to stand as one.

And this is the moment when we must give hope to those left behind in a globalized world. We must remember that the Cold War born in this city was not a battle for land or treasure. Sixty years ago, the planes that flew over Berlin did not drop bombs; instead they delivered food, and coal, and candy to grateful children. And in that show of solidarity, those pilots won more than a military victory. They won hearts and minds; love and loyalty and trust – not just from the people in this city, but from all those who heard the story of what they did here.

Now the world will watch and remember what we do here – what we do with this moment. Will we extend our hand to the people in the forgotten corners of this world who yearn for lives marked by dignity and opportunity; by security and justice? Will we lift the child in Bangladesh from poverty, shelter the refugee in Chad, and banish the scourge of AIDS in our time?

Will we stand for the human rights of the dissident in Burma, the blogger in Iran, or the voter in Zimbabwe? Will we give meaning to the words “never again” in Darfur?

Will we acknowledge that there is no more powerful example than the one each of our nations projects to the world? Will we reject torture and stand for the rule of law? Will we welcome immigrants from different lands, and shun discrimination against those who don’t look like us or worship like we do, and keep the promise of equality and opportunity for all of our people?

People of Berlin – people of the world – this is our moment. This is our time.

I know my country has not perfected itself. At times, we’ve struggled to keep the promise of liberty and equality for all of our people. We’ve made our share of mistakes, and there are times when our actions around the world have not lived up to our best intentions.

But I also know how much I love America. I know that for more than two centuries, we have strived – at great cost and great sacrifice – to form a more perfect union; to seek, with other nations, a more hopeful world. Our allegiance has never been to any particular tribe or kingdom – indeed, every language is spoken in our country; every culture has left its imprint on ours; every point of view is expressed in our public squares. What has always united us – what has always driven our people; what drew my father to America’s shores – is a set of ideals that speak to aspirations shared by all people: that we can live free from fear and free from want; that we can speak our minds and assemble with whomever we choose and worship as we please.

These are the aspirations that joined the fates of all nations in this city. These aspirations are bigger than anything that drives us apart. It is because of these aspirations that the airlift began. It is because of these aspirations that all free people – everywhere – became citizens of Berlin. It is in pursuit of these aspirations that a new generation – our generation – must make our mark on the world.

People of Berlin – and people of the world – the scale of our challenge is great. The road ahead will be long. But I come before you to say that we are heirs to a struggle for freedom. We are a people of improbable hope. With an eye toward the future, with resolve in our hearts, let us remember this history, and answer our destiny, and remake the world once again.

* * * * *

Thursday, July 24, 2008

Obama seeks stronger Europe ties


The speech is being compared to those of presidents Kennedy and Reagan

US presidential hopeful Barack Obama has told crowds in Berlin that the US and Europe have drifted apart and it is time for them to come together again.

"If we're honest... we know that sometimes, on both sides of the Atlantic, we have drifted apart and forgotten our shared destiny," he said.

At least 200,000 people heard the Democratic Party candidate make the only public speech of his world tour.

His words were broadcast live in Germany, where he is a popular figure.

The burdens of global citizenship continue to bind us together
Barack Obama

Mr Obama began his speech by paying tribute to the Berliners who held out against Soviet pressure during the blockade in 1948.

Appealing for a renewed partnership with Europe, he identified terrorism, nuclear proliferation, trade barriers and climate change as global challenges.

Mr Obama's appearance had the air of a rock concert in the Tiergarten Park, a place that has become associated with huge feel-good football parties in recent years, the BBC's James Coomarasamy reports.

His rhetorical flights and unusual background have captured the imagination of a country which views its own politicians as rather dour and grey, our correspondent says.

'Intertwined world'

"While the 20th Century taught us that we share a common destiny, the 21st has revealed a world more intertwined than at any time in human history," Mr Obama said.

The crowd waits for Mr Obama's speech in Berlin
Thousands turned out for the speech

"In Europe, the view that America is part of what has gone wrong in our world, rather than a force to help make it right, has become all too common," he continued.

"In America, there are voices that deride and deny the importance of Europe's role in our security and our future.

"But the burdens of global citizenship continue to bind us together," he added.

He said that partnership and co-operation among nations was "not a choice".

"It is the one way, the only way, to protect our common security and advance our common humanity," he argued.

He spoke on Afghanistan, a sensitive issue in Germany because of pressure for it to send more troops.

Mr Obama said it was time to renew nations' resolve to "rout the terrorists who threaten our security in Afghanistan and the traffickers who sell drugs on your streets".

"The Afghan people need our troops and your troops... we have too much at stake to turn back now," he said.

Mr Obama addressed many issues in his speech:

  • He said it was time to "defeat terror and dry up the well of extremism that supports it", arguing that Islamic extremism could be defeated just as communism had been in its time
  • He urged support for the Iraqis rebuilding their lives as the US passes responsibility to the Iraqi government and "finally brings this war to a close"
  • It was the moment, he said, to "renew the goal of a world without nuclear weapons" and not "stand idly by and watch the further spread of the deadly atom"
  • He urged all countries to act with "the same seriousness of purpose" as Germany to reduce carbon emissions
  • He called for global trade "that is free and fair for all"

World tour

Mr Obama's visit to Berlin kicked off the European leg of his world tour ahead of November's US presidential election.

A McCain supporter walks behind Obama fans in Berlin on 24 July
One McCain supporter could be seen spreading the message in Berlin

Earlier, he met German leaders including Chancellor Angela Merkel.

Mr Obama flew to Germany after visiting Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, the West Bank and Jordan, and is due to visit France on Friday, then the UK on Saturday.

Most Germans seem to believe that an Obama victory in November would do much to improve relations between the US and Europe, our correspondent says.

This speech is being compared to those made in Berlin by John F Kennedy and Ronald Reagan - but they were sitting presidents.

For Mr Obama to become president himself, this event - and the tour of which it is part - must be seen in a positive light by the voters back home in America, our correspondent says.

Mr Obama's Republican rival, John McCain, visited a German restaurant in Columbus, Ohio, on Thursday to eat bratwurst sausage with local business leaders.

"I'd love to give a speech in Germany but I'd much prefer to do it as president of the United States rather than as a candidate for president," he told reporters.


http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7522738.stm

OBAMA 'S SPEECH IN BERLIN

Thank you to the citizens of Berlin and to the people of Germany. Let me thank Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier for welcoming me earlier today. Thank you Mayor Wowereit, the Berlin Senate, the police, and most of all thank you for this welcome.

I come to Berlin as so many of my countrymen have come before. Tonight, I speak to you not as a candidate for President, but as a citizen - a proud citizen of the United States, and a fellow citizen of the world.

I know that I don't look like the Americans who've previously spoken in this great city. The journey that led me here is improbable. My mother was born in the heartland of America, but my father grew up herding goats in Kenya. His father - my grandfather - was a cook, a domestic servant to the British.

At the height of the Cold War, my father decided, like so many others in the forgotten corners of the world, that his yearning - his dream - required the freedom and opportunity promised by the West. And so he wrote letter after letter to universities all across America until somebody, somewhere answered his prayer for a better life.

That is why I'm here. And you are here because you too know that yearning. This city, of all cities, knows the dream of freedom. And you know that the only reason we stand here tonight is because men and women from both of our nations came together to work, and struggle, and sacrifice for that better life.

Ours is a partnership that truly began sixty years ago this summer, on the day when the first American plane touched down at Templehof.

On that day, much of this continent still lay in ruin. The rubble of this city had yet to be built into a wall. The Soviet shadow had swept across Eastern Europe, while in the West, America, Britain, and France took stock of their losses, and pondered how the world might be remade.

This is where the two sides met. And on the twenty-fourth of June, 1948, the Communists chose to blockade the western part of the city. They cut off food and supplies to more than two million Germans in an effort to extinguish the last flame of freedom in Berlin.

The size of our forces was no match for the much larger Soviet Army. And yet retreat would have allowed Communism to march across Europe. Where the last war had ended, another World War could have easily begun. All that stood in the way was Berlin.

And that's when the airlift began - when the largest and most unlikely rescue in history brought food and hope to the people of this city.

The odds were stacked against success. In the winter, a heavy fog filled the sky above, and many planes were forced to turn back without dropping off the needed supplies. The streets where we stand were filled with hungry families who had no comfort from the cold.

But in the darkest hours, the people of Berlin kept the flame of hope burning. The people of Berlin refused to give up. And on one fall day, hundreds of thousands of Berliners came here, to the Tiergarten, and heard the city's mayor implore the world not to give up on freedom. "There is only one possibility," he said. "For us to stand together united until this battle is won...The people of Berlin have spoken. We have done our duty, and we will keep on doing our duty. People of the world: now do your duty...People of the world, look at Berlin!"

People of the world - look at Berlin!

Look at Berlin, where Germans and Americans learned to work together and trust each other less than three years after facing each other on the field of battle.

Look at Berlin, where the determination of a people met the generosity of the Marshall Plan and created a German miracle; where a victory over tyranny gave rise to NATO, the greatest alliance ever formed to defend our common security.

Look at Berlin, where the bullet holes in the buildings and the somber stones and pillars near the Brandenburg Gate insist that we never forget our common humanity.

People of the world - look at Berlin, where a wall came down, a continent came together, and history proved that there is no challenge too great for a world that stands as one.

Sixty years after the airlift, we are called upon again. History has led us to a new crossroad, with new promise and new peril. When you, the German people, tore down that wall - a wall that divided East and West; freedom and tyranny; fear and hope - walls came tumbling down around the world. From Kiev to Cape Town, prison camps were closed, and the doors of democracy were opened. Markets opened too, and the spread of information and technology reduced barriers to opportunity and prosperity. While the 20th century taught us that we share a common destiny, the 21st has revealed a world more intertwined than at any time in human history.

The fall of the Berlin Wall brought new hope. But that very closeness has given rise to new dangers - dangers that cannot be contained within the borders of a country or by the distance of an ocean.

The terrorists of September 11th plotted in Hamburg and trained in Kandahar and Karachi before killing thousands from all over the globe on American soil.

As we speak, cars in Boston and factories in Beijing are melting the ice caps in the Arctic, shrinking coastlines in the Atlantic, and bringing drought to farms from Kansas to Kenya.

Poorly secured nuclear material in the former Soviet Union, or secrets from a scientist in Pakistan could help build a bomb that detonates in Paris. The poppies in Afghanistan become the heroin in Berlin. The poverty and violence in Somalia breeds the terror of tomorrow. The genocide in Darfur shames the conscience of us all.

In this new world, such dangerous currents have swept along faster than our efforts to contain them. That is why we cannot afford to be divided. No one nation, no matter how large or powerful, can defeat such challenges alone. None of us can deny these threats, or escape responsibility in meeting them. Yet, in the absence of Soviet tanks and a terrible wall, it has become easy to forget this truth. And if we're honest with each other, we know that sometimes, on both sides of the Atlantic, we have drifted apart, and forgotten our shared destiny.

In Europe, the view that America is part of what has gone wrong in our world, rather than a force to help make it right, has become all too common. In America, there are voices that deride and deny the importance of Europe's role in our security and our future. Both views miss the truth - that Europeans today are bearing new burdens and taking more responsibility in critical parts of the world; and that just as American bases built in the last century still help to defend the security of this continent, so does our country still sacrifice greatly for freedom around the globe.

Yes, there have been differences between America and Europe. No doubt, there will be differences in the future. But the burdens of global citizenship continue to bind us together. A change of leadership in Washington will not lift this burden. In this new century, Americans and Europeans alike will be required to do more - not less. Partnership and cooperation among nations is not a choice; it is the one way, the only way, to protect our common security and advance our common humanity.

That is why the greatest danger of all is to allow new walls to divide us from one another.

The walls between old allies on either side of the Atlantic cannot stand. The walls between the countries with the most and those with the least cannot stand. The walls between races and tribes; natives and immigrants; Christian and Muslim and Jew cannot stand. These now are the walls we must tear down.

We know they have fallen before. After centuries of strife, the people of Europe have formed a Union of promise and prosperity. Here, at the base of a column built to mark victory in war, we meet in the center of a Europe at peace. Not only have walls come down in Berlin, but they have come down in Belfast, where Protestant and Catholic found a way to live together; in the Balkans, where our Atlantic alliance ended wars and brought savage war criminals to justice; and in South Africa, where the struggle of a courageous people defeated apartheid.

So history reminds us that walls can be torn down. But the task is never easy. True partnership and true progress requires constant work and sustained sacrifice. They require sharing the burdens of development and diplomacy; of progress and peace. They require allies who will listen to each other, learn from each other and, most of all, trust each other.

That is why America cannot turn inward. That is why Europe cannot turn inward. America has no better partner than Europe. Now is the time to build new bridges across the globe as strong as the one that bound us across the Atlantic. Now is the time to join together, through constant cooperation, strong institutions, shared sacrifice, and a global commitment to progress, to meet the challenges of the 21st century. It was this spirit that led airlift planes to appear in the sky above our heads, and people to assemble where we stand today. And this is the moment when our nations - and all nations - must summon that spirit anew.

This is the moment when we must defeat terror and dry up the well of extremism that supports it. This threat is real and we cannot shrink from our responsibility to combat it. If we could create NATO to face down the Soviet Union, we can join in a new and global partnership to dismantle the networks that have struck in Madrid and Amman; in London and Bali; in Washington and New York. If we could win a battle of ideas against the communists, we can stand with the vast majority of Muslims who reject the extremism that leads to hate instead of hope.

This is the moment when we must renew our resolve to rout the terrorists who threaten our security in Afghanistan, and the traffickers who sell drugs on your streets. No one welcomes war. I recognize the enormous difficulties in Afghanistan. But my country and yours have a stake in seeing that NATO's first mission beyond Europe's borders is a success. For the people of Afghanistan, and for our shared security, the work must be done. America cannot do this alone. The Afghan people need our troops and your troops; our support and your support to defeat the Taliban and al Qaeda, to develop their economy, and to help them rebuild their nation. We have too much at stake to turn back now.

This is the moment when we must renew the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. The two superpowers that faced each other across the wall of this city came too close too often to destroying all we have built and all that we love. With that wall gone, we need not stand idly by and watch the further spread of the deadly atom. It is time to secure all loose nuclear materials; to stop the spread of nuclear weapons; and to reduce the arsenals from another era. This is the moment to begin the work of seeking the peace of a world without nuclear weapons.

This is the moment when every nation in Europe must have the chance to choose its own tomorrow free from the shadows of yesterday. In this century, we need a strong European Union that deepens the security and prosperity of this continent, while extending a hand abroad. In this century - in this city of all cities - we must reject the Cold War mind-set of the past, and resolve to work with Russia when we can, to stand up for our values when we must, and to seek a partnership that extends across this entire continent.

This is the moment when we must build on the wealth that open markets have created, and share its benefits more equitably. Trade has been a cornerstone of our growth and global development. But we will not be able to sustain this growth if it favors the few, and not the many. Together, we must forge trade that truly rewards the work that creates wealth, with meaningful protections for our people and our planet. This is the moment for trade that is free and fair for all.

This is the moment we must help answer the call for a new dawn in the Middle East. My country must stand with yours and with Europe in sending a direct message to Iran that it must abandon its nuclear ambitions. We must support the Lebanese who have marched and bled for democracy, and the Israelis and Palestinians who seek a secure and lasting peace. And despite past differences, this is the moment when the world should support the millions of Iraqis who seek to rebuild their lives, even as we pass responsibility to the Iraqi government and finally bring this war to a close.

This is the moment when we must come together to save this planet. Let us resolve that we will not leave our children a world where the oceans rise and famine spreads and terrible storms devastate our lands. Let us resolve that all nations - including my own - will act with the same seriousness of purpose as has your nation, and reduce the carbon we send into our atmosphere. This is the moment to give our children back their future. This is the moment to stand as one.

And this is the moment when we must give hope to those left behind in a globalized world. We must remember that the Cold War born in this city was not a battle for land or treasure. Sixty years ago, the planes that flew over Berlin did not drop bombs; instead they delivered food, and coal, and candy to grateful children. And in that show of solidarity, those pilots won more than a military victory. They won hearts and minds; love and loyalty and trust - not just from the people in this city, but from all those who heard the story of what they did here.

Now the world will watch and remember what we do here - what we do with this moment. Will we extend our hand to the people in the forgotten corners of this world who yearn for lives marked by dignity and opportunity; by security and justice? Will we lift the child in Bangladesh from poverty, shelter the refugee in Chad, and banish the scourge of AIDS in our time?

Will we stand for the human rights of the dissident in Burma, the blogger in Iran, or the voter in Zimbabwe? Will we give meaning to the words "never again" in Darfur?

Will we acknowledge that there is no more powerful example than the one each of our nations projects to the world? Will we reject torture and stand for the rule of law? Will we welcome immigrants from different lands, and shun discrimination against those who don't look like us or worship like we do, and keep the promise of equality and opportunity for all of our people?

People of Berlin - people of the world - this is our moment. This is our time.

I know my country has not perfected itself. At times, we've struggled to keep the promise of liberty and equality for all of our people. We've made our share of mistakes, and there are times when our actions around the world have not lived up to our best intentions.

But I also know how much I love America. I know that for more than two centuries, we have strived - at great cost and great sacrifice - to form a more perfect union; to seek, with other nations, a more hopeful world. Our allegiance has never been to any particular tribe or kingdom - indeed, every language is spoken in our country; every culture has left its imprint on ours; every point of view is expressed in our public squares. What has always united us - what has always driven our people; what drew my father to America's shores - is a set of ideals that speak to aspirations shared by all people: that we can live free from fear and free from want; that we can speak our minds and assemble with whomever we choose and worship as we please.

Those are the aspirations that joined the fates of all nations in this city. Those aspirations are bigger than anything that drives us apart. It is because of those aspirations that the airlift began. It is because of those aspirations that all free people - everywhere - became citizens of Berlin. It is in pursuit of those aspirations that a new generation - our generation - must make our mark on history.

People of Berlin - and people of the world - the scale of our challenge is great. The road ahead will be long. But I come before you to say that we are heirs to a struggle for freedom. We are a people of improbable hope. Let us build on our common history, and seize our common destiny, and once again engage in that noble struggle to bring justice and peace to our world.

FAITES UN DON SI VOUS AIMEZ LE CONTENU DE CE BLOGUE